Britta Rock'n'Rolls! - YouTube

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Inauguration du seul moulin à huile du Vallespir au mas Py à Vivès - lindependant.fr

Mas Py Céret! Duitser

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Son épouse, Brigitte, a ensuite rappelé toutes les productions du mas Py : la réintroduction des ânes catalans, le porc ibérique élevé sur 10 hectares et servant à élaborer de riches préparations et autres verrines ou encore sa spécialité des cerises séchées. Puis, elle a procédé à la dégustation de ses huiles aux goûts variés selon les espèces d’olives utilisées. La Frantoio, de Toscane, est médaillée d’or 2025 ; la Carolea, du sud de l’Italie, est produite pour la première fois ; l’Olivière du Roussillon, a reçu une médaille d’or en 2024 ; la Picholine du Gard est légèrement amère, tandis que la Manzanille d’Espagne est douce et l’Arbequine catalane très aromatique.

Laat China na Venezuela ook Groenland schieten? | VRT NWS: nieuws

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Een recente Harvard-studie bracht alle Chinese investeringspogingen in de Arctische regio in kaart. Van de 57 voorgestelde ontginnings- en infrastructuurprojecten zijn er slechts 18 actief. De rest is gestrand of geannuleerd. Voor Groenland is het beeld nog schraler: van acht voorgestelde Chinese projecten zijn er zeven mislukt.
Groenland heeft die Chinese interesse trouwens jarenlang zelf uitgespeeld. Het eiland wil meer autonomie maar leeft van Deense subsidies, zo'n zeshonderd miljoen euro per jaar. Door te flirten met Peking kreeg Nuuk uiteindelijk een internationale luchthaven die Kopenhagen zelf financierde. China was een nuttig drukmiddel, meer niet.

Re: Rallies in Venezuela demand freedom for Nicolas Maduro and Cilia Flores

"Internationally, people are asking: Where is the popular response? The truth is that there have been no spontaneous mass mobilisations and autonomous responses to what occurred. The small marches that have taken place have been called by the government, mobilising mainly public employees and the social base it still maintains, which, although diminished, is nonetheless important for these purposes."

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Internationally, people are asking: Where is the popular response? The truth is that there have been no spontaneous mass mobilisations and autonomous responses to what occurred. The small marches that have taken place have been called by the government, mobilising mainly public employees and the social base it still maintains, which, although diminished, is nonetheless important for these purposes.
How can we explain this? Maduro’s regime has created such a disaster for workers’ living conditions that large segments of the population see his departure as the only chance for change. Citizens seem to have reached a point where they are willing to see if the new circumstances leads to improved wages, allows for the return of the 8 million migrants whose exit fractured Venezuelan families, restore the regular and stable functioning of public services (water and electricity), and establish institutions to address the healthcare, food and housing needs of the vast majority.

Who Owns the Future? - Wikipedia

"Who Owns the Future? a non-fiction book written by Jaron Lanier published by Simon & Schuster in 2013. The book was well received and won multiple awards in 2014: Peace Prize of the German Book Trade, the Goldsmith Book Prize, and Top honors at the San Francisco Book Festival.

Content
Lanier posits that the middle class is increasingly disenfranchised from online economies. By convincing users to give away valuable information (personal data) about themselves in exchange for free services, firms can accrue large amounts of data at virtually no cost. Lanier calls these firms "Siren Servers," alluding to the Sirens of Ulysses. Instead of paying each individual for their contribution to the data pool, the Siren Servers concentrate wealth in the hands of the few who control the data centers."

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« Event Report » - Study Day on Digital Commons: Review and Outlook

"
The seminar took place at the Research House of Paris 8 University in Saint-Denis. Having arrived the day before, the meeting was set for 9 a.m. for coffee and welcome; the official introduction began at 9:30 a.m. in amphitheater MR 002. The research seminar was structured in two complementary parts: a morning devoted to a critical assessment of digital commons, followed by an afternoon focused on contemporary perspectives and challenges.

To prepare this account, I took notes throughout the day and recorded the various presentations to facilitate their transcription and subsequent analysis"

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AI Isn’t Becoming Conscious. It’s Becoming a Mirror.

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What Is an Ecosystem? - by Ernesto Van Peborgh

"I’ve come to believe that the word ecosystem has been quietly telling us the truth all along, if only we slowed down enough to listen.

The “eco” comes from oikos — the ancient Greek word for home. Not a building. Not an asset. A lived household. A place where life organizes itself, where nourishment circulates, where continuity is maintained across generations. A place you belong to before you manage it.

Seen this way, an ecosystem is not simply a system with inputs and outputs. It is the web of relationships that makes a household viable over time. Forests know this. Rivers know it too. So did cultures that endured long before we learned to optimize everything that moved.

What we tend to call a “system” today is often abstract — designed from the outside, controlled, replaced when it no longer performs. A traffic system. A software system. A financial system. Useful, efficient, and ultimately disposable.

But an eco-system is something else entirely. It cannot be separated from place, from relationship, from responsibility. It asks for care rather than domination, participation rather than control, continuity rather than extraction.

The quiet implication is radical: there is no external manager of the household of life. Everyone who lives within it is shaping it, for better or worse, simply by how they show up.

This is why ecology and economy were never meant to be enemies. They were once two ways of speaking about the same concern — how a household sustains itself without consuming its own future. Only later did economy drift away, learning to manage flows of value as if they were detached from the living house that made them possible."

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How malicious AI swarms can threaten democracy | Science

"Advances in artificial intelligence (AI) offer the prospect of manipulating beliefs and behaviors on a population-wide level (1). Large language models (LLMs) and autonomous agents (2) let influence campaigns reach unprecedented scale and precision. Generative tools can expand propaganda output without sacrificing credibility (3) and inexpensively create falsehoods that are rated as more human-like than those written by humans (3, 4). Techniques meant to refine AI reasoning, such as chain-of-thought prompting, can be used to generate more convincing falsehoods. Enabled by these capabilities, a disruptive threat is emerging: swarms of collaborative, malicious AI agents. Fusing LLM reasoning with multiagent architectures (2), these systems are capable of coordinating autonomously, infiltrating communities, and fabricating consensus efficiently. By adaptively mimicking human social dynamics, they threaten democracy. Because the resulting harms stem from design, commercial incentives, and governance, we prioritize interventions at multiple leverage points, focusing on pragmatic mechanisms over voluntary compliance."

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Iran in revolt: Neoliberalization, sanctions, repression | Links

Tegen neo lib. Ook Iran biedt geen alternatief!!!!!!!

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The recent unrest in Iran marks the fourth major uprising since 2017.1
And then, in a matter of days, the momentum ebbed away. The government appeared to regain control, using what one analyst described as a “systematic strategy to encircle and fatigue the protest movement.” For now, it seems the clerical establishment will remain in place, since the domestic opposition is not strong enough to dislodge it and the US is unwilling to risk a major intervention.
These have been reshaped, in recent decades, by two primary forces: the neoliberalization of the post-revolutionary state since the early 1990s,
For everyone else, conditions have deteriorated. Inequality and poverty are on the rise. Casualization and wage repression are ubiquitous. Welfare has been eroded, the middle class has been hollowed out, and a growing stratum of educated youth are unemployed or underemployed. The result is a simmering crisis of legitimacy, which now routinely erupts into the open. In what follows, I will show how deep political-economic transformations created the context for the events of this month, and interrogate their meaning for the future of the Iranian regime. Roiled from within and menaced from without, what are its chances of survival?
The neoliberal turn
Iran’s First Five-Year Development Plan, approved in June 1990, marked the beginning of this neoliberal era. Under President Rafsanjani, who ruled until 1997, and his successor Mohammad Khatami, whose tenure lasted until 2005, the state unleashed a series of pro-market policies. It abolished Iran’s multiple exchange rates — which had previously been maintained for different sectors and transactions — and created a single, market-based one. It moved to restructure the financial sector, rationalize prices, and phase out energy subsidies to reduce fiscal pressures. Efforts were made to replace non-tariff barriers with tariffs and to lower average tariff rates in line with emerging WTO norms. Legal and institutional reforms were introduced to attract foreign direct investment. The Tehran Stock Exchange was reopened. A suite of policies were designed to promote non-oil exports.
Although privatization was presented as the cornerstone of this new strategy, it only ever went so far. Efforts were made to partially open state-controlled industries to Western multinationals, with the aim of attracting capital, technology, and market access to support export-oriented industrialization.
Rather than total privatization, then, Iran saw the proliferation of these “semi-private” enterprises: subsidiaries of ministries and government organizations, often tied to bureaucrats and their relatives, who were able to strike deals with powerful forces in the government. The result was not the dismantling of state control but rather its reconstitution through a web of semi-private conglomerates. This allowed political and bureaucratic elites to consolidate their power under the guise of market reform.
The outcome was the mutation of what was once the original revolutionary state-bureaucratic faction into new, Western-oriented faction of the ruling bloc. This group was primarily concerned with integrating Iran into the financial, trade, and institutional networks of OECD economies, mainly in Western Europe and North America. It found political representation in the New Right — most notably the Servants of Reconstruction Party, as well as reformist parties such as the Participation Front and the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organisation.
Instead, they have stuck to a neoliberalization program which has redistributed wealth upward. Under the banner of market reform, state assets have been transferred to parastatal conglomerates. Under the pressure of sanctions, access to trade, finance, and infrastructure has been monopolized by institutions shielded from oversight. Under the banner of “self-sufficiency” and “economic resistance,” coercive power has fused with economic privilege. The effect has been to profoundly reshape the subaltern classes.

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The neoliberal turn