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Lefty Prof

Lefty Prof's Public Library

  • The most relevant lesson from pre-war social democracy for the class struggle today is that we must first build parties that will become dominant in the workers movement through the fight for reforms. It is only through that collective experience of winning tangible victories and testing the limits of reformism that a majority will be won to revolutionary politics.


    While it’s true that such formations would recreate many of the same contradictions present in prewar social democracy, this does not necessarily doom them to the same result. And revolutionaries who cede to reformists the task of creating and shaping political formations that can appeal to and engage the working-class majority in political struggle undermine not just those but any “separate” revolutionary projects as well.

  • The Chief Minister, well known for the way she has patronised thugs in her own party, and the way she has condoned overt violence by party thugs, signifying such events as little mistakes by small kids, was found in a pontificating mood. Police during her regime is regularly being used to prevent dissent voices, even if they are most peaceful, democratic, rudimentary and miniscule

  • Different estimates show that, for every garment that is sold at $100 in the Western market, the governments of those countries earn around $25, brands and buying houses make at least $50, and of the rest goes to the owners, raw material sup-pliers, production cost, etc. Workers get less than $1.
  • When the Multi-Fibre Arrangement (
     ) for the North  American market was introduced in 1974, Bangladesh did not have an export-oriented garment industry at the time. This arrangement affected many garment-exporting countries as the
      imposed quotas on garments exports from many developing countries, including South Korea and Taiwan. As a result, entrepreneurs from the quota-restricted countries like South Korea were looking for countries that could become new manufacturing sites. By 1977 they reached Bangladesh to enter into joint ventures and take advantage of this quota-free country.  Very soon the rapid expansion of the
      industry changed the industrial landscape of the country. The end of the
      in 2004 was not a problem; the
      industry in Bangladesh could continue to grow because of its competitive advantage that derived from its low cost of production.
  • The export of
      increased from $3.5 million in 1981 to $20 billion in 2013

  • Nearly 94 per cent of people in the Death Row in contemporary India, according to a recent study, are Dalits or minorities.  Over 75 per cent are economically vulnerable. The most important reason this happens is, these people, poor, often poorly educated, usually do not even manage to get a decent lawyer at the trial stage.

  • we should never lose sight of the fact that the real problems facing Indian society is not corruption or scams—they are symptoms of larger underlying structural issues endemic to capitalism. Congress and BJP have more in common when it comes to corruption, scams or economic policies, than one is led to believe from the acrimonious proceedings in the parliament session. When welfare and social security schemes are cut, farmer’s debt are not pardoned, and indirect taxes hitting the toiling masses far more than the super rich are introduced or raised from their present levels to meet up the budget deficit; capitalists like Adani get loans from nationalised banks to the tune of 5,000 crore, and labour laws to land acquisition laws are all changed to suit the needs of the richest of the rich, all these parties play the same role when in power.

  • The Swan Group websites lists a number of European brands as long term buyers from the Group including Lidl, Next, Bestseller, Dunnes and Walmart. Workers claim they were producing for Aldi, Piazza Italia and Motivi in the months prior to closure.
  • In January 2015 the factory suddenly stopped paying salaries. The Chinese owner of Swan Group, Ming Yuen Hon (Toby), attempted to flee the country on April 9th, but was prevented from doing so by workers who confronted him at the airport and brought him back to the factory. This action forced Mr Hon to pay one month salary to the workers, but on April 10th the two factories were illegally declared closed. According to his family Mr Hon committed suicide some time in the following weeks.

  • The building that housed two garment factories and a warehouse of another garment factory had inadequate fire extinguishing equipment, a narrow staircase and a locked fire exit.

  • Other estimates range between 10 and 15 million Bangladeshis living in India illegally, but there are no reliable numbers.
  • And the government cannot even manage to send back those Bangladeshis it knows are staying in the country illegally.


    At the end of 2012, for instance, 16,530 Bangladeshi citizens with valid travel documents were found to be overstaying in India—while 6,537 and 5,234 Bangladeshi nationals were deported in 2012 and 2013, respectively.

  • According to the report, rural income growth in India has been stuck in the mid to low single digits in 2015 to date, well off the 20 percent-plus rates clocked in 2011.
  • the consensus view on India's economic growth prospects is relatively optimistic, very much in keeping with Moody's baseline scenario of headline economic expansion of 7.5 percent in FY2016.
  • some disappointment amongst the audience with regard to the pace of reform

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  • My heart is pounding out of my chest, not out of fear, but because I want a chance to choke the shit out of John Deere. I can't think of any other way of making him feel what we felt.
  • "Only you," he says to me. "You going to jail tonight." He's got the gun to my chest.


    "Fuck you," I tell him and suck my teeth. "I ain't going nowhere." I don't know what's wrong with me.

  • "Kiese should be killed for what he's writing." I feel a lot when I read those words, but mainly I wonder what's wrong with me.

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  • the more completely the highest social-estate (the landlords) is  routed and annihilated, the more profound will the class  distinction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat be.

  • In general, post-Marx Marxists have taken Marx’s strictures against utopianism (to use a phrase of Hegel) as “a pillow for intellectual sloth.” Marx did not object to envisioning the future; he objected to the abstract, arbitrary way it had been envisioned by those who failed to take the trouble of unraveling the complexities of a society dominated by capital.
  • as he noted as early as his Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, private ownership of the means of production does not cause alienated labor; instead, alienated labor causes private property.

  • the report said “the economic impact of containing and dealing with the consequences of India’s levels of violence was estimated to cost the national economy USD 341.7 billion in 2014. This is equivalent to 4.7 per cent of India’s GDP, or USD 273 per person“.

  • India has seen a 15 per cent jump in the number of high networth households in last one year, a BCG report said.
  • "The US remained the country with the largest number of UHNW house-holds at 5,201, followed by China (1,037), the UK (1,019), India (928), and Germany (679)," the report said.
  • global private financial wealth grew by nearly 12 per cent in 2014 to reach a total of $164 trillion. Almost three-quarters (73 per cent, or $13 trillion) of private wealth growth was generated by the market performance of existing assets, with the balance (27 per cent, or $5 trillion) generated by newly created wealth. North America, with $51 trillion in private wealth, remained the world's wealthiest region in 2014.

  • many peasant detachments, which fought splendidly enough against the restoration of the landlords, became transformed after victory into instruments of counter-revolution.
  • Regardless of their origin in each isolated instance—whether caused by conscious provocation of the White Guards, or by tactlessness of the Communists, or by an unfavourable combination of circumstances—the conflicts between armed peasants and workers were rooted in one and the same social soil: the difference between the class position and training of the workers and of the peasants. The worker approaches questions from the socialist standpoint; the peasant’s viewpoint is petty bourgeois. The worker strives to socialize the property that is taken away from the exploiters; the peasant seeks to divide it up. The worker desires to put palaces and parks to common use; the peasant, insofar as he cannot divide them, inclines to burning the palaces and cutting down the parks. The worker strives to solve problems on a national scale and in accordance with a plan; the peasant, on the other hand, approaches all problems on a local scale and takes a hostile attitude to centralized planning, etc.
  • the peasantry, even when armed, is incapable of conducting an independent policy.


    Occupying in daily life an intermediate, indeterminate, and vacillating position, the peasantry at decisive moments can follow either the proletariat or the bourgeoisie. The peasantry does not find the road to the proletariat easily but only after a series of mistakes and defeats. The bridge between the peasantry and the bourgeoisie is provided by the urban petty bourgeoisie, chiefly by the intellectuals, who commonly come forward under the banner of socialism and even communism.

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