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philip rizk

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Jun 27, 15

"Discontent then manifested itself in the district of Bizana, which lies between Lusikisiki in the south and the Umtamvuna river on the border of Natal in the north. In September 1957, the Pondos of Bizana rejected Bantu Authorities, Bantu Education and the rehabilitation scheme at a meeting to which the peasants came in their thousands. They demanded that Botha Sigcau should publicly declare whether he was the head of the Pondo tribe or the boot-licker of Verwoerd, the then Minister of Native Affairs. Botha Sigcau left surreptitiously, and the meeting went out of control, ending in disorder and the widespread cry — ‘Umasiziphathe uya Kusebenza sifile’, or ‘Bantu Authorities will operate over our dead bodies.’

Then, in 1958, all the Pondoland districts were invited to send representatives to a large gathering called by the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development, Mr de Wet Nel, and Botha Sigcau. The people were led to believe that the gathering was some sort of celebration, but found on arrival that it was an attempt to get Bantu Authorities under way.

Chief Botha announced that he had been promoted to take over the chair of the Chief Magistrate of Umtata, and that in turn some of the Chiefs would be promoted in the various districts. The Pondo Court would be enhanced in status, and great changes would be brought about. In short, the people were told that they were getting self-government. (Memorandum sent to the U.N. by the Mountain Committee)

In practice, however, Chief Botha alone made promotions; it was he who selected councillors for the courts from his own supporters. The people steadily lost confidence in the courts, and corruption set in among the councillors, who knew that their position depended not on the goodwill of the people, but on their maintaining their friendship with Chief Botha. This cancer in the heart of tribal justice was one of the main reasons for the breakdown of the whole tribal structure, and for the subsequent development of a new system during the Pondo revolt.

The rot ate ever deeper into the once healthy organism of tribal life. Government appointees to positions of authority were increasingly spurned by the people, and had to rely on the police and the magistrates to impose their authority. Many Chiefs and headmen found that once they had committed themselves to supporting Bantu Authorities, an immense chasm developed between them and the people. Gone was the old give-and-take of tribal consultation, and in its place there was now the autocratic power bestowed on the more ambitious Chiefs, who became arrogant in the knowledge that the government’s might was behind them.

Frustration and dissatisfaction were mounting, and at the Isikelo Location in the district of Bizana anger boiled over. The people called a meeting to demand that Mr Saul Mabude, Chairman, and members of the District Authority explain Bantu Authorities to them. Mabude did not attend. The meeting was punctuated with grim silence, a premonition that all was not well in Pondoland. Laughter and easy talk, characteristics of the Pondos, were totally absent. The meeting ended in disorder. On a Sunday morning, some time later, a large impi marched to Mabude’s kraal, while the women raised the war cry — ‘I — iwuuu I ii wu iwu!’ Mabude’s house was surrounded, his pigs and fowls were slaughtered, and his hut was set on fire.

The government struck back savagely. Police traversed the country in heavily meshed cars; armed police swarmed into the kraals on the hillsides, terrorizing women and children, arresting the men. Two battalions of the Mobile Watch moved in with armoured vehicles and camped at the villages of Bizana, Lusikisiki and Flagstaff. 6o ‘Native’ police underwent special courses to assist in the training of home guards.
THE MOUNTAIN COMMITTEE

A vast popular movement of resistance arose amongst the people in March 1960, and although meetings were illegal, they were held just the same and attended by thousands of peasants, who came on foot and on horseback to chosen spots on the mountains and ridges. This is how the movement became known as ‘Intaba’ (the Mountain), when it was not referred to as ‘Ikongo’ (Congress).

The Mountain Committee rallied the majority of the tribesmen in their Bizana district into open struggle against the authorities and their henchmen. But its series of huge meetings, summoned to discuss the plight of the Pondos and make plans to carry on their struggle, inspired neighbouring tribesmen from other districts in East Pondoland who carried back the news to their areas.

Repeated requests by the Mountain Committee for the magistrate to come and hear the people’s grievances were ignored, and the only reply returned was that the meetings were illegal and should cease at once. At this stage the government officials made it clear that they would have no dealings whatsoever with the leaders of the popular movement and would continue to carry out government policies through the channel of Bantu Authorities.

The Pondos then found that news of their meetings was reaching the magistrate’s ears and that their new-found unity was being undermined from within by government agents. Drastic action was taken against these informers; their huts were fired, and many were forced to flee from the area. Between March and June, 27 kraals were reported to have been burnt down.

The most serious clash took place on June 6 in a valley adjoining Ngquza Hill, between Bizana and Lusikisiki. Africans from a score of kraals had met there to discuss their complaints. Two aircraft and a helicopter dropped tear-gas and smoke bombs on the crowd, and police vehicles approached from two directions. The Africans raised a white flag to show that their meeting was a peaceful one, but police suddenly emerged from the bushes surrounding the meeting-place and fired into the crowd. At first the government refused to disclose how many had been killed, but strong representations were made and finally an inquest was ordered. Relatives found the bodies of 11 men which had been left all day for dogs and other animals to feed on. Twenty-three Pondos were arrested after the meeting on a charge of ‘fighting’, and of these nineteen were convicted and sentenced to terms ranging from 18 months with 6 strokes to 21 months.

Subsequently, at an inquest on the shootings, the magistrate declared that the firing of sten-gun bullets was ‘unjustified and excessive, even reckless’. Several of the men shot by the police had been found with bullets through the backs of their heads.

Policing of the area increased after this incident. Saracens and radio cars were brought in. The breakdown between the authorities and the Pondos was complete."

  • Discontent then manifested itself in the district of Bizana, which lies between Lusikisiki in the south and the Umtamvuna river on the border of Natal in the north. In September 1957, the Pondos of Bizana rejected Bantu Authorities, Bantu Education and the rehabilitation scheme at a meeting to which the peasants came in their thousands. They demanded that Botha Sigcau should publicly declare whether he was the head of the Pondo tribe or the boot-licker of Verwoerd, the then Minister of Native Affairs. Botha Sigcau left surreptitiously, and the meeting went out of control, ending in disorder and the widespread cry — ‘Umasiziphathe uya Kusebenza sifile’, or ‘Bantu Authorities will operate over our dead bodies.’

     

    Then, in 1958, all the Pondoland districts were invited to send representatives to a large gathering called by the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development, Mr de Wet Nel, and Botha Sigcau. The people were led to believe that the gathering was some sort of celebration, but found on arrival that it was an attempt to get Bantu Authorities under way.

     

    Chief Botha announced that he had been promoted to take over the chair of the Chief Magistrate of Umtata, and that in turn some of the Chiefs would be promoted in the various districts. The Pondo Court would be enhanced in status, and great changes would be brought about. In short, the people were told that they were getting self-government. (Memorandum sent to the U.N. by the Mountain Committee)

     

    In practice, however, Chief Botha alone made promotions; it was he who selected councillors for the courts from his own supporters. The people steadily lost confidence in the courts, and corruption set in among the councillors, who knew that their position depended not on the goodwill of the people, but on their maintaining their friendship with Chief Botha. This cancer in the heart of tribal justice was one of the main reasons for the breakdown of the whole tribal structure, and for the subsequent development of a new system during the Pondo revolt.

     

    The rot ate ever deeper into the once healthy organism of tribal life. Government appointees to positions of authority were increasingly spurned by the people, and had to rely on the police and the magistrates to impose their authority. Many Chiefs and headmen found that once they had committed themselves to supporting Bantu Authorities, an immense chasm developed between them and the people. Gone was the old give-and-take of tribal consultation, and in its place there was now the autocratic power bestowed on the more ambitious Chiefs, who became arrogant in the knowledge that the government’s might was behind them.

     

    Frustration and dissatisfaction were mounting, and at the Isikelo Location in the district of Bizana anger boiled over. The people called a meeting to demand that Mr Saul Mabude, Chairman, and members of the District Authority explain Bantu Authorities to them. Mabude did not attend. The meeting was punctuated with grim silence, a premonition that all was not well in Pondoland. Laughter and easy talk, characteristics of the Pondos, were totally absent. The meeting ended in disorder. On a Sunday morning, some time later, a large impi marched to Mabude’s kraal, while the women raised the war cry — ‘I — iwuuu I ii wu iwu!’ Mabude’s house was surrounded, his pigs and fowls were slaughtered, and his hut was set on fire.

     

    The government struck back savagely. Police traversed the country in heavily meshed cars; armed police swarmed into the kraals on the hillsides, terrorizing women and children, arresting the men. Two battalions of the Mobile Watch moved in with armoured vehicles and camped at the villages of Bizana, Lusikisiki and Flagstaff. 6o ‘Native’ police underwent special courses to assist in the training of home guards.

  • A vast popular movement of resistance arose amongst the people in March 1960, and although meetings were illegal, they were held just the same and attended by thousands of peasants, who came on foot and on horseback to chosen spots on the mountains and ridges. This is how the movement became known as ‘Intaba’ (the Mountain), when it was not referred to as ‘Ikongo’ (Congress).

     

    The Mountain Committee rallied the majority of the tribesmen in their Bizana district into open struggle against the authorities and their henchmen. But its series of huge meetings, summoned to discuss the plight of the Pondos and make plans to carry on their struggle, inspired neighbouring tribesmen from other districts in East Pondoland who carried back the news to their areas.

     

    Repeated requests by the Mountain Committee for the magistrate to come and hear the people’s grievances were ignored, and the only reply returned was that the meetings were illegal and should cease at once. At this stage the government officials made it clear that they would have no dealings whatsoever with the leaders of the popular movement and would continue to carry out government policies through the channel of Bantu Authorities.

     

    The Pondos then found that news of their meetings was reaching the magistrate’s ears and that their new-found unity was being undermined from within by government agents. Drastic action was taken against these informers; their huts were fired, and many were forced to flee from the area. Between March and June, 27 kraals were reported to have been burnt down.

     

    The most serious clash took place on June 6 in a valley adjoining Ngquza Hill, between Bizana and Lusikisiki. Africans from a score of kraals had met there to discuss their complaints. Two aircraft and a helicopter dropped tear-gas and smoke bombs on the crowd, and police vehicles approached from two directions. The Africans raised a white flag to show that their meeting was a peaceful one, but police suddenly emerged from the bushes surrounding the meeting-place and fired into the crowd. At first the government refused to disclose how many had been killed, but strong representations were made and finally an inquest was ordered. Relatives found the bodies of 11 men which had been left all day for dogs and other animals to feed on. Twenty-three Pondos were arrested after the meeting on a charge of ‘fighting’, and of these nineteen were convicted and sentenced to terms ranging from 18 months with 6 strokes to 21 months.

     

    Subsequently, at an inquest on the shootings, the magistrate declared that the firing of sten-gun bullets was ‘unjustified and excessive, even reckless’. Several of the men shot by the police had been found with bullets through the backs of their heads.

     

    Policing of the area increased after this incident. Saracens and radio cars were brought in. The breakdown between the authorities and the Pondos was complete.

Jun 18, 15

"Buthelezi, as chief minister of the self-governing homeland of KwaZulu, pays the king's salary and provides his security."

  • psychoanalyst    John Steiner calls this phenomenon “turning a blind eye.” He   notes that often we have access to adequate knowledge but   because it is unpleasant and disconcerting we choose   unconsciously, and sometimes consciously, to ignore it
  • These educated   elites
  • “The imagination is not a faculty for   the creation of illusion; it is the faculty by which alone man   apprehends reality. The ‘illusion’ turns out to be truth.”

  • “The fashion-show vulgarities of the White House ceremony […] only temporarily obscure the truly astonishing proportions of the Palestinian capitulation. So […] let us call the agreement by its real name: an instrument of Palestinian surrender, a Palestinian Versailles.”
  • the Oslo Accords systematically undermined the Palestinian struggle for liberation and self-determination and replaced it with a dangerous form of economic neo-colonialism
  • the Oslo process has entrenched the non-sovereignty of Palestine. The concept of sovereignty is used here in a holistic sense, i.e., it not only refers to political sovereignty but also encompasses the economy, nutrition, education, health, water, and other resources crucial to sustained human development

4 more annotations...

  •  

      DW:    We have video tape showing Hammas firing mortars and PA Police standing 25 meters away and hindering them. We both however should be grateful for what Hammas does because it lets Abu Mazen realize his mistake. Abu Mazen strategic alliance with Hammas and “inclusion” strategy is wrong. In light of the events of the recent days we decided to stop refraining from reaction. We will act against actual doers if needed.

     

       

     

                  In one particular incident we identified the cell preparing to launch mortars and we gave the information to the local security commanders in Gaza. Nothing was done and then we decided to act. This happened in Khan Younis. The Palestinian policemen were 25 meters away and after we hit the cell they became suddenly very active and helped evacuate the injured to the hospitals.

     

       

     

      SE:      You called me around 7:00 PM and what happened after that. How many rockets launched? There were clashed between PA police and Hammas. The police will not and can not shoot their own people but Hammas demonstrators torched a Palestinian police car.

     

       

     

      DW:    True there was a certain drop in shelling but why can’t the police act directly without involvement, why don’t they have clear instructions and procedures. In any case, the slow down had nothing to do with AM or SE instructions but is a result of Hammas internal decisions.

Jun 14, 15

"Raqqa is Being Silently Slaughtered"

Jun 13, 15

"“Everyone records during the time of chaos,” Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, the dean of Egyptian journalists, who was former President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s confidant, said of the leaks in a television interview a few months ago."

  • “Everyone records during the time of chaos,” Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, the dean of Egyptian journalists, who was former President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s confidant, said of the leaks in a television interview a few months ago.
  • “There is a point that we want all of our media personalities on TV to debate,” General Kamel tells an associate: that any criticism of Mr. Sisi is a “shame” to the nation.
  • General Kamel asks General Shaheen, the assistant defense minister for legal affairs, to intervene with a judge in order to help the son of a fellow general. The son was among the security officers charged in connection with the deaths of over 30 Islamist prisoners who had suffocated from tear gas in the back of a police truck.
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