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David Voelker

David Voelker's Public Library

  • Mount Owen-- This spire is the second-highest peak in the range and seems almost within leaping distance of the Grand (leaping not recommended). From some locations, especially in lower Cascade Canyon, it may at first actually be mistaken for the Grand. The easiest route-- West Ledges-- goes at 5.1.
  • South Teton-- The third and lowest of the "Teton" peaks, this one has two Class 4 routes (though the going is mostly Class 3). The South Teton is often used as an introductory peak for people getting a taste of Teton mountaineering.
  • American Alpine Club Climbers Ranch
     The best option to camping before your climb is to stay at the American Alpine Club's Climber’s Ranch located 7 miles past Moose Junction on Teton Park Road. The Ranch offers very rustic accommodations for only $20/per night. Very rustic means you bring your own bedding, mattress, etc., and you will be sharing a cabin with other climbers. Showers and a cooking area are available. Lodging is on a first come, first served basis but reservations are accepted. You can make an online reservation here or call (307) 733-7271 between June 1 and September 30. You do not have to be a member of the American Alpine Club to stay there; however, the AAC rate is only $10.00/night.

  • Though the Indians are acknowledged to have an unquestionable, and, heretofore, unquestioned right to the lands they occupy, until that right shall be extinguished by a voluntary cession to our government; yet it may well be doubted whether those tribes which reside within the acknowledged boundaries of the United States can, with strict accuracy, be denominated foreign nations. They may, more correctly be denominated domestic dependent nations. They occupy a territory to which we assert a title independent of their will, which must take effect in point of possession when their right of possession ceases. Meanwhile, they are in a state of pupilage. Their relation to the United States resembles that of a ward to his guardian.
  • They look to our government for protection; rely upon its kindness and its power; appeal to it for relief to their wants; and address the president as their great father. They and their country are considered by foreign nations, as well as by ourselves, as being so completely under the sovereignty and dominion of the United States, that any attempt to acquire their lands, or to form a political connexion with them, would be considered by all as an invasion of our territory, and an act of hostility.

  • Ned: Well, guess! Book of Revelations, fire-breathing lion's head,  tail made out of snakes...who else is it going to be?  Bart: [unsure] Jesus?

  • Hereupon I left the city of   Granada, on Saturday, the twelfth day of May, 1492, and proceeded   to Palos, a seaport, where I armed three vessels, very fit for   such an enterprise, and having provided myself with abundance of   stores and seamen, I set sail from the port, on Friday, the third   of August, half an hour before sunrise, and steered for the   Canary Islands of your Highnesses which are in the said ocean,   thence to take my departure and proceed till I arrived at the   Indies, and perform the embassy of your Highnesses to the Princes   there, and discharge the orders given me. For this purpose I   determined to keep an account of the voyage, and to write down   punctually every thing we performed or saw from day to day, as   will hereafter appear. Moreover, Sovereign Princes, besides   describing every night the occurrences of the day, and every day   those of the preceding night, I intend to draw up a nautical   chart, which shall contain the several parts of the ocean and   land in their proper situations; and also to compose a book to   represent the whole by picture with latitudes and longitudes, on   all which accounts it behooves me to abstain from my sleep, and   make many trials in navigation, which things will demand much   labor.     

      Friday, 3 August 1492. Set sail from the bar of Saltes at 8   o'clock, and proceeded with a strong breeze till sunset, sixty   miles or fifteen leagues south, afterwards southwest and south by   west, which is the direction of the Canaries.

  • Sunday, 9 September. Sailed this day nineteen leagues, and   determined to count less than the true number, that the crew   might not be dismayed if the voyage should prove long. In the   night sailed one hundred and twenty miles, at the rate of ten   miles an hour, which make thirty leagues. The sailors steered   badly, causing the vessels to fall to leeward toward the   northeast, for which the Admiral reprimanded them repeatedly.     

      Monday, 10 September. This day and night sailed sixty leagues,   at the rate of ten miles an hour, which are two leagues and a   half. Reckoned only forty-eight leagues, that the men might not   be terrified if they should be long upon the voyage.     

      Tuesday, 11 September. Steered their course west and sailed   above twenty leagues; saw a large fragment of the mast of a   vessel, apparently of a hundred and twenty tons, but could not   pick it up. In the night sailed about twenty leagues, and   reckoned only sixteen, for the cause above stated.

  • Friday, 14 September. Steered this day and night west twenty   leagues; reckoned somewhat less. The crew of the Nina stated   that they had seen a grajao, and a tropic bird, or water-wagtail,   which birds never go farther than twenty-five leagues from the   land.

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  • The successful college survey of United States history should leave  in the student’s mind a definite pattern of historical development and a clear  understanding of the nature and values of American civilization. It should give  him a lasting foundation upon which he can build, not only as he takes more  courses in history but also as the events of his lifetime unfold.
  • Above all, he must stress interpretation, integration, and comparison rather  than narrative outline
  • historical  skills

  • "The roots of the present lie deep in the past, and nothing in the past is dead to the man who would learn how the present comes to be what it is." Though we must not distort the past in an effort to give meaning to the present, yet we can fully understand the present only by a study of the past; and the past, on the other hand, is appreciated only by those who know the present.

  • Laymen and educators are generally agreed that knowledge of our own history is essential in the making of Americans. The reasons for this belief may be summed up under four main heads. History makes loyal citizens because memories of common experiences and common aspirations are essential ingredients in patriotism. History makes intelligent voters because sound decisions about present problems must be based on knowledge of the past. History makes good neighbors because it teaches tolerance of individual differences and appreciation of varied abilities and interests. History makes stable, well-rounded individuals because it gives them a start toward understanding the pattern of society and toward enjoying the artistic and intellectual productions of the past. It gives long views, a perspective, a measure of what is permanent in a nation’s life. To a people it is what memory is to the individual; and memory, express or unconscious, guides the acts of every sentient being.
  • Even more important than knowledge of specific facts is the type of thinking which is encouraged by the study of history.

  • it is equally true that progress comes by making additions to the past or by its silent modification
  • The chief object of every experienced teacher is to get pupils to think properly after the method adopted in his particular line of work; not an accumulation of information, but the habit of correct thinking, is the supreme result of good teaching in every branch of instruction
  • It is true that any subject which aids the pupil to think correctly, to be accurate and painstaking, which awakens his interest in books and gives him resources within himself, in reality fits him for good and useful citizenship

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  • The primary obligation of the college teacher of history is to present his subject in an interesting and stimulating manner.
  • Without deprecating facts or minimizing details, teachers of history should stress the more enduring values which that subject affords, namely, historical perspective, a sense of continuity, and the ability to use the historical approach in their teaching

  • I experience this high and joyous moment  not for myself alone but for those devotees of nonviolence who  have moved so courageously against the ramparts of racial  injustice and who in the process have acquired a new estimate of  their own human worth. Many of them are young and cultured.  Others are middle aged and middle class. The majority are poor  and untutored. But they are all united in the quiet conviction  that it is better to suffer in dignity than to accept segregation  in humiliation. These are the real heroes of the freedom  struggle: they are the noble people for whom I accept the Nobel  Peace Prize.
  • This evening I would like to use this lofty  and historic platform to discuss what appears to me to be the  most pressing problem confronting mankind today. Modern man has  brought this whole world to an awe-inspiring threshold of the  future. He has reached new and astonishing peaks of scientific  success. He has produced machines that think and instruments that  peer into the unfathomable ranges of interstellar space. He has  built gigantic bridges to span the seas and gargantuan buildings  to kiss the skies. His airplanes and spaceships have dwarfed  distance, placed time in chains, and carved highways through the  stratosphere. This is a dazzling picture of modern man's  scientific and technological progress.
  • Yet, in spite of these spectacular strides  in science and technology, and still unlimited ones to come,  something basic is missing. There is a sort of poverty of the  spirit which stands in glaring contrast to our scientific and  technological abundance. The richer we have become materially,  the poorer we have become morally and spiritually. We have  learned to fly the air like birds and swim the sea like fish, but  we have not learned the simple art of living together as  brothers.

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  • On the discovery of this immense continent, the great nations of Europe were eager to  appropriate to themselves so much of it as they could respectively acquire. Its vast extent offered an   *573 ample field to the ambition and enterprise of all; and the character and religion of its inhabitants  afforded an apology for considering them as a people over whom the superior genius of Europe might  claim an ascendency. The potentates of the old world found no difficulty in convincing themselves  that they made ample compensation to the inhabitants of the new, by bestowing on them civilization  and Christianity, in exchange for unlimited independence. But, as they were all in pursuit of nearly  the same object, it was necessary, in order to avoid conflicting settlements, and consequent war with  each other, to establish a principle, which all should acknowledge as the law by which the right of  acquisition, which they all asserted, should be regulated as between themselves. This principle was,  that discovery gave title to the government by whose subjects, or by whose authority, it was made,  against all other European governments, which title might be consummated by possession.
  • No one of the powers of Europe gave its full assent to this principle, more unequivocally than  England. The documents upon this subject are ample and complete. So early as the year 1496, her  monarch granted a commission to the Cabots, to discover countries then unknown to Christian  people, and to take possession of them in the name of the king of England. Two years afterwards,  Cabot proceeded on this voyage, and discovered the continent of North America, along which he  sailed as far south as Virginia. To this discovery the English trace their title.


    In this first effort made by the English government to acquire territory on this continent, we  perceive a complete recognition of the principle which has been mentioned. The right of discovery  given by this commission, is confined to countries 'then unknown to all Christian people;' and of these  countries Cabot was empowered to take possession in the name of the king of England. Thus  asserting a right to take possession, *577 notwithstanding the occupancy of the natives, who were  heathens, and, at the same time, admitting the prior title of any Christian people who may have made  a previous discovery.

  • Thus, all the nations of Europe, who have acquired territory on this continent, have asserted  in themselves, and have recognised in others, the exclusive right of the discoverer to appropriate the  lands occupied by the Indians. Have the American States rejected or adopted this principle?

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Jan 12, 09

I have highlighted some key passages of this document. By the way, Kennan was from Milwaukee. He's up there with Robert La Follette and Joseph McCarthy (ahem) as a key American political figure from Wisconsin. --DV

  • Executive Mansion, April 11, 1898.


    To the Congress of the United States:

  • The grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized as follows:


    First. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries now existing there, and which the parties to the conflict are either unable or unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say this is all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is therefore none of our business. It is specially our duty, for it is right at our door.


    Second. We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that protection and indemnity for life and property which no government there can or will afford, and to that end to terminate the conditions that deprive them of legal protection.


    Third. The right to intervene may be justified by the very serious injury to the commerce, trade, and business of our people and by the wanton destruction of property and devastation of the island.


    Fourth, and which is of the utmost importance. The present condition of affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace and entails upon this Government an enormous expense. With such a conflict waged for years in an island so near us and with which our people have such trade and business relations; when the lives and liberty of our citizens are in constant danger and their property destroyed and themselves ruined; where our trading vessels are liable to seizure and are seized at our very door by war ships of a foreign nation; the expeditions of filibustering that we are powerless to prevent altogether, and the irritating questions and entanglements thus arising -- all these and others that I need not mention, with the resulting strained relations, are a constant menace to our peace and compel us to keep on a semi war footing with a nation with which we are at peace.

  • In view of these facts and of these considerations I ask the Congress to authorize and empower the President to take measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the Government of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island the establishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for these purposes.


    And in the interest of humanity and to aid in preserving the lives of the starving people of the island I recommend that the distribution of food and supplies be continued and that an appropriation be made out of the public Treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens.

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  • While these accounts can have their uses, they also come with a number of drawbacks. One is that they could have a negative  effect on your child's eligibility for financial aid. Most financial aid formulas treat assets belonging to a child (as UGMAs  and UTMAs are considered to be) less favorably than those of a parent (as is the case, for example, with 529 plans).
  • Bear in mind that financial-aid formulas generally treat parents' assets more kindly than money they view as belonging to  a child. That is, they expect the student to contribute a far greater percentage of his or her assets to pay the bill. If  you expect financial aid to be a major consideration for you when the day finally comes, you may do well to have more money  in your name and less in your child's.

  • What we're going to have to do, clearly, is relearn the lessons our grandfathers were taught by the Great Depression. I won't try to lay out the details of a new regulatory regime, but the basic principle should be clear - anything that has to be rescued during a financial crisis, because it plays an essential role in the financial mechanism, should be regulated when there isn't a crisis so that it doesn't take excessive risks. Since the 30s, commercial banks have been required to have adequate capital, hold reserves of liquid assets that can be quickly converted into cash and limit the types of investments they make, all in return for federal guarantees when things go wrong. Now that we've seen a wide range of non-bank institutions create what amounts to a banking crisis, comparable regulation has to be extended to a much larger part of the system.
  • The true scarcity in Keynes' world - and ours - was therefore not of resources, or even of virtue, but of understanding.

  • ry pipeline that crossed problematic, if not hostile Islamic lands. Since the Christian monarchs of Spain attempted to delete both Islamic and Judaic residents from all of Iberia the very day Columbus sailed into the Atlantic,
  • In the realm of fowl, there were two very interesting creatures: (1) the Muscovy duck (_Cairina moschata_) and, of course, (2) our good old Aztec _huexoloti_ (_Meleagris gallopavo_).
  • Once these newly discovered crops and creatures got to Spain—and because Iberia was at war with most of Europe—they were treated as state secrets.

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  • A 1948 Ad Council pamphlet, “The Miracle of America,” is typical. In it, Uncle Sam—shown striding across the cover with a toolkit and rolled-up sleeves—explains American free enterprise to an average family. The key, Uncle says, is ever-more-efficient production: “The mainspring of the American standard of living is High and Increasing Productivity!” America’s high rate of consumption—“We take abundance for granted”—is a sign of superiority. The U.S. has only one-fifteenth of the world’s population, the booklet explains, but consumes “more than half of the world’s coffee and rubber, almost half of the steel, a quarter of the coal and nearly two-thirds of the crude oil.” This, the Ad Council assured the nation, was Success.
  • The packaging industry justifies disposables as a response to consumer demand: buyers wanted convenience; packagers simply provided it. But that’s not exactly true. Consumers had to be trained to be wasteful. Part of this re-education involved forestalling any debate over the wisdom of creating disposables in the first place, replacing it with an emphasis on “proper” disposal. Keep America Beautiful led this refocusing on the symptoms rather than the system. The trouble was not their industry’s promulgation of throwaway stuff; the trouble was those oafs who threw it away.
  • In the late 1960s, a noncorporate faction within the Ad Council, led by Dartmouth president John Sloan Dickey, began to call for Keep America Beautiful to move from litter to the larger problem of environmental pollution. They threatened to scuttle Ad Council support for further antilitter campaigns. Backed into a corner, KAB directors agreed to expand their work to address “the serious menace of all pollutants to the nation’s health and welfare.”

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Nov 22, 08

Stephens make the argument that slavery (and racial inequality) form the cornerstone of the Confederate society.

  • Jefferson in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the "rock upon which the old Union would split." He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was that, somehow or other in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away.
  • Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its corner- stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery�subordination to the superior race�is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth.
  • March 16, 1861, at Savannah, Georgia - David Voelker on 2008-11-22
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