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  • »The next battle will be much more violent«: Interview with Philip Rizk | kosmoprolet on Aug 17, 15
  • The perils of blogging in Egypt | The Electronic Intifada on Aug 17, 15
  • Philip Rizk, Protester Freed by Egypt, Describes Ordeal - NYTimes.com on Aug 17, 15
  • "The next battle will be much more violent": Interview with Philip Rizk on Aug 17, 15
    • while not remaining exactly the same, a lot of political and economic policies followed the same logic of governance, for example as far as the authority of the police and opposition to protests was concerned. It was during Morsi rule that, again, there was an attempt to pass a law against protests. And in November 2012 the Morsi cabinet tried to pass an increase of taxes, which would have affected the broader population. When the initially small protest movements were harshly suppressed people realized that something similar to the early days of the revolution was happening.
    • There was something very important in this phase which leads up to the mass demonstrations on June 30th 2013 and the following days: The media played an extremely different role than they did in early 2011 and then again after the military coup on July 3rd. Priot to June 30th, They actually covered these events very clearly and showed the police suppression on the streets
    • Just to give a little anecdote: Our group Mosireen, that in the past had filmed things that were for us the perspective of the street, almost did not have a role any longer because so much of this repression was being covered by television and news outlets.

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  • tabula gaza on Aug 15, 15
    • The widespread indifference toward the August 14 massacre that accompanied a rising fascistic spirit just confirmed that fall from grace.
    • Though I do not affirm the Brotherhood's cause to return to power, I believe in their right to dissent. All those that risk their bodies, like Bassem, risk the bullet. I will by no means try to justify the shocking actions of Egyptians that started the morning of June 30, the rise of the fascistic, the acceptance of the torment of others. The most powerful tool to these ends is the discourse of terrorism that has fed into the deep fear in the hearts of so many living inside a regime of terror. 
  • 2011 is not 1968: an open letter from Egypt | ROAR Magazine on Aug 15, 15
    • These news agencies interviewed political commentators or activists — increasingly becoming celebrities in their own right — to decipher the actions behind the images seen. As interpretation and then meaning were layered onto the images, a significant distortion took place to the acts behind the scenes. Non-Arabic language media outlets relied primarily on English-speaking activists, many of us middle class, many of us already politicized before January 25. Arabic-language news stations similarly turned often to middle class activists to speak on behalf of the revolution, each of whom interpreted every moment according to their respective ideological perspectives.
    • Our explanations also satisfied the practical requirements and standards of a media industry with a target audience accustomed to an interlocutor with a particular profile using a specific political discourse. This process drowned out the voices of the majority. No matter how hard we tried to argue otherwise, we fit the part — middle class, internet-savvy, youth, and thus revolutionary.
    • Other industries soon followed suit: right after journalism, academia, film, art, the world of NGOs relied on us as the ideal interpreter of the extraordinary. They all eventually bought into and further fueled the hyper-glorification of the individual, the actor, the youth subject, the revolutionary artist, the woman, the non-violent protester, the Internet user.

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  • Wisconsin State AFL-CIO - Trumka: Working People Want a Strong, Independent Labor Movement on Aug 15, 15
  • http://nlg-laboremploy-comm.org/media/News_2011_11_Oct.pdf on Aug 15, 15
  • CorpWatch : USA: Where Was the Color at A16 in DC? on Aug 12, 15
  • Whatever is happening to the Egyptians? | openDemocracy on Aug 13, 15
    • In all cases, empirical evidence shows that the 1952 military-coup was not only rebellion against Egypt’s political regime, but also against the values and norms of its political subjects.
    • Yet, it should definitely be taken into consideration that the struggle between the Nasserist social agenda and Sadat’s Infitah came to the surface in the July coup of 2013. A critical mass of the elites have now decisively aligned themselves with Sadat’s socio-economic policies (reflected in the recent economic forum, the reconciliation with corrupt businessmen, and the embrace of regressive taxation); bringing to the surface the symptoms of Sadat’s socio-economic revolution more vividly and bluntly
    • On Thursday April 23, the American University in Cairo's (AUC) Theatre and Film Club invited the AUC community to an event, where they could watch a simulation of an Egyptian slum, talk to "people of this ghetto", eat "their" food, and shop in places similar to where "they" shop.

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    A collection of online resources for learning about the history and circumstances of Haiti.

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    The legacy of Thomas Sankara; social mobilization; Compaore's legacy of pro-Western authoritarian "light-handedness"

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