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Member since Jun 14, 2010, follows 6 people, 3 public groups, 783 public bookmarks (814 total).

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  • Lenin: The Proletariat and the Peasantry on May 25, 15
    • Published:   Novaya Zhizn, No. 11, November 12, 1905
    • Today the question of the peasant movement has become vital not only in the theoretical but also in the most direct practical sense. We now have to transform our general slogans into direct appeals by the revolutionary proletariat to the revolutionary peasantry. The time has now come when the peasantry is coming forward as a conscious maker of a new way of life in Russia. And the course and outcome of the great Russian revolution depend in tremendous measure on the growth of the peasants’ political consciousness.
    • The peasantry wants land and freedom. There can be no two opinions on this score. All class-conscious workers  <!-- vol=10 pg=041 src=v10pp65 type= -->     support the revolutionary peasantry with all their might.

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  • RefWorks Web Based Bibliographic Management Software on May 22, 15
    • HM843.B45 2013
    • HN783.A8B68 2013
    • CT2628.F 35C4713 2006

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  • RefWorks Web Based Bibliographic Management Software on May 22, 15
    • H59.F28F73 1999
    • DT295.3.A454A313 2012
  • No more magical thinking | International Socialist Review on May 06, 15
    • The climate crisis has structural roots, based in capitalism’s competitive exploitation of workers’ labor and the natural world for profit. Transforming that will require structural change fought for by workers and the oppressed, like the end of production for profit and the overthrow of existing states with all their laws and social norms that backup the system. In other words, revolution is necessary.
  • Modi: India’s Shame at Rape and Violence Against Women on May 04, 15
    • Women in India should be valued more,
    • families should stop aborting girl foetuses, he said
    • I have seen families where one daughter serves parents more than five sons,

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  • Daniel Bensaid: "Leaps, Leaps, Leaps" - Lenin and politics (July 2002) on Apr 15, 15
    • The vital, urgent question is that of politics from below, politics for those who are excluded and cut off from the state politics of the ruling class. We have to solve the puzzle of proletarian revolutions and their repeated tragedies: how do we spurn the dust and win the prize? How can a class which is physically and morally stunted in its daily life by the involuntary servitude of forced labour transform itself into the universal subject of human emancipation?
    • The experience of the past century poses the question of bureaucratisation as a social phenomenon, rather than the question of the form of vanguard party inherited from What is to be Done?
  • Privilege and the working class | SocialistWorker.org on Apr 15, 15
    • however modified today's version of privilege theory may be, and however unaware of its history its current advocates may be, contemporary privilege politics remain profoundly influenced by their Stalinist-Maoist theoretical origins.
    • Early privilege theory converted material reforms won through class struggle into undeserved "privileges." In similar fashion, today's model also converts non-material rights, and the non-experience of a particular kind of oppression, into unearned, undeserved "privileges." Contemporary analysis of non-material so-called "privileges" continues to hold, just as original white-skin privilege theory did, that those who are not oppressed in a particular way can be assumed to be participants in that oppression. The false presumption of guilt-by-identity today masks ignorance of, if not indifference to, the responsibility of ruling class institutions for racism and oppression.
    • The politics of privilege have come full circle. The privilege ideology circuit began among Stalinists, who brought privilege politics into the middle-class student movement, with common prejudices against workers, as part of the orgy of self-destruction of the New Left in the late 1960s. Ex-student radicals then carried privilege theory into the universities. There, it was perceived to be part of the legacy of the left, and accepted by liberals as a way to oppose racism that required no action in the real world. Privilege theory became the dominant discourse of many departments and university administrations, evolving and moving to the right (dropping, for example, both anti-imperialism and talk of revolution), as it accommodated the rightward shift and drift in American political and intellectual life. Today, newly radicalized students, completing the circuit, have brought privilege politics back from the conservative, neoliberal universities into the radical movement again.
  • The dead end of moral individualism | REDFLAG on Apr 15, 15
    • The German philosopher Friedrich Hegel, keenly aware of this problem, discussed a number of individual types who embody it.

       

      The “knight of virtue” was his name for one. These ethical individuals have a vision that the system can be used to pursue good. So we get “ethical entrepreneurship”.

    • Notwithstanding that the Vatican pioneered the sale of such “indulgences” hundreds of years ago, everyone feels happy – except those who are trapped as exploited victims.
    • Microfinance is an example of this. Hailed as “empowering”, microfinance enterprises in India granted loans of as little as $US100 to ultra-poor slum dwellers otherwise incapable of qualifying for loans. “India’s microfinance sector was once touted as a saviour of the poor and a good bet for investors …”, noted the Economist in 2013. “Things went downhill fast.” There were scores of suicides of small farmers. “It is alleged that they were hounded to their deaths by lenders’ coercive recovery practices.”

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  • SALVAGE on Apr 14, 15
    • The neoliberal era can be retrospectively identified as beginning with the economic crisis of 1973, or, more precisely, with the strategic response of state managers and employers to that crisis. Previous eras in the history of capitalism have tended to close with the onset of further period of systemic crisis; 1973, for example, saw the end of the era of state capitalism which began in 1929. The neoliberal era, however, has not only survived the crisis which began in 2007, but its characteristic features are, if anything, being further extended and embedded, rather than reversed.
    • Simply doing what the rich want is unlikely to produce beneficial results for the system as a whole, although it may help increase the wealth of individual capitalists. For not only are capitalists generally uninterested in the broader social interest, which we might expect, but they are also generally incapable of correctly assessing their own overall collective class interests, which might seem more surprising – although as we shall see, it is a long-standing phenomenon, observed by many of the great social theorists from late eighteenth century onwards. As a result, capitalist states – or more precisely, their managers – have traditionally acted to make such an assessment; but in the developed West at least, neoliberal regimes are increasingly displaying an uncritical adherence to the short-term wishes of particular business interests.
  • The government, the party and the people | SocialistWorker.org on Apr 10, 15
    • a "government of the left" isn't the final destination, with the task of "saving the country," but instead a transition point on a road that must lead toward socialist liberation.
    • Our policy must be to maintain an active call for a Europe-wide uprising to overthrow austerity.
    • THIS ASSESSMENT leads directly to the crucial role of SYRIZA as a party.

       

      In the mainstream media, the party is depicted in a negative light: as a dead weight that prevents its leadership from taking bold action (action to the liking of the lenders and markets, of course); as a nest of fossilized Marxists how won't allow the enlightened leaders of the government and the state to make the necessary overtures--for example, to the To Potami party--and guide the government safely to the calm waters of the center left, with an acceptance of the European lenders' oversight of government policy and a commitment to remain in the euro, no matter what.

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