The blueprint, titled "Empowering Local Partners to Prevent Violent Extremism in the United States," mentions other sorts of terrorism, but its focus is on that fueled by Islamic extremism (though it doesn't use that term). Its recommendation is that the federal government engage in "strengthening community partnerships and preventing violent extremism … as a facilitator, convener, and source of information."
The notion is that community initiatives can help ameliorate extremism among young men who might be attracted to the teachings of Al Qaeda. The report draws an analogy with three other community initiatives: anti-gang efforts; liaisons between community groups and the federal government in connection with anti-terrorism efforts; and the Safe Schools/Healthy Students Initiative designed to prevent school violence and drug abuse. In the schools program, the report notes, participating school districts must address violence and substance abuse.
Shortly after Sept. 11, 2001, FBI Director Robert Mueller issued a memo to his field offices detailing "one set of priorities" for the agency: Stop the next terrorist attack. This directive marked a new "preemptive" style of law enforcement that has since become the hallmark of our domestic front in the war against terrorism.
Under this system, catching an actual terrorist would constitute a failure because the perpetrators would have committed the act. Instead, we are in effect seeking "pre-terrorists" — individuals whose intentions, more than their actions, constitute the primary threat.
Taking stock of the major "terrorist" prosecutions that this approach has yielded, however, it's not at all clear we're safer from another attack.
Ten years ago, before 9/11 made terrorism our national preoccupation, the agencies that now make up the Department of Homeland Security spent about $22 billion a year on public safety and emergency management. Now Homeland Security is the third-biggest department in the federal government, with more than 230,000 employees and a budget of $55 billion a year.
Before 9/11, the United States spent about $30 billion a year on its civilian intelligence agencies; today, such spending has nearly doubled to about $55 billion, more than the entire State Department budget. Add in spending on military intelligence, and the intelligence budget comes to more than $80 billion.
How much additional security have we gained from all that spending? It's impossible to say.
Today, Americans don't seem to know what to feel. We both grouse about and take comfort in the security screenings that get tweaked every year or so. We live with the fear of a terrorist attack as resignedly as Californians live with the fear of an epic earthquake. It's bound to happen one day, but who knows where or when?
In the weeks after 9/11, government officials said it wasn't a matter of if there would be another attack in this country, it was a matter of when. But in 2011, most Americans ignore that prophecy. Even warnings such as last week's "specific, credible but unconfirmed" threat cause general anxiety but are ignored in practice by many. We show up at airports, hauling our children and pets and 3-ounce bottles of shampoo, more afraid of spilling liquids in luggage than dying on planes. We push our trepidation to the backs of our minds, and board. And 10 years after two skyscrapers were destroyed and the Pentagon was struck in acts of unimagined terror, that resilience is not a bad thing to have rebuilt.
As the nation looks back today, and rightly honors those who lost their lives, we'd urge Americans — and especially lawmakers — to put a little thought into looking forward too. Today, the number of people killed annually by Muslim terrorists outside war zones is roughly equal to the number who die in bathtub accidents, according to Ohio State University professor John Mueller, who has written extensively on terrorism risks and expenditures. That doesn't mean fighting terrorism should no longer be a priority, but it does mean we need to be sure that we balance it rationally with other priorities that are equally important.
About the only thing that Washington and the nation can seem to manage these days are monuments—we are monument mad, anniversary obsessed. Which leads us to Ground Zero, the tenth anniversary. This year, put your hand on your heart for all who were lost, for all we have lost, then turn from this place and look at it no more, and see what our nation has become.
"The lust for retaliation traditionally outstrips precision in identifying the actual assailant," Cockburn wrote in September 2001 ("The Next Casualty: Bill of Rights?"). "The targets abroad will be all the usual suspects -- the Taliban or Saddam Hussein, who started off as creatures of U.S. intelligence. The target at home will be the Bill of Rights."