networking - Levy Rivers on Diigo

Not to confuse matters, but I am using the phrase “moral obligation” in a non-foundational way. I am not saying that there are rights granted from a state of nature that must be honored. What I am saying is that we should see allegiance to social institutions by reference to familiar, commonly accepted premises – but also as no more arbitrary – than choices of friends or heroes. Such choices are not made by reference to criteria.
Next we need to note that pleasure we take in reciprocal exchanges are enormously fecund. By prompting us to act reciprocally, they generate many of the conditions under which the sustained pleasures of social relationships are possible. It is therefore an instrumental good.
Reciprocation for that help – if it is a general feature of social interaction – reinforces helping behavior. It is a powerful element in sustaining the help we need. Not reciprocating, on the other hand, if it were a general feature of social interaction, would quite likely extinguish helping behavior. (Lasting unrequited love is rare.) Certainly, if evil were typically returned for good, the help would cease.
Jean-Paul Sartre's name for the state of mind in we lie to ourselves: Bad Faith. Some of our inner lies are trivial: I know what I am going to be late if I don’t go now, but I carry on as if I think there is plenty of time. Then I am in Bad Faith: I am being deliberately late, but I allow myself to believe I am unaware of it. When someone complains, I can say: ‘My goodness, I never noticed the time.’ Sartre points out how weird this self-deception is’…the one to whom the lie is told and the one who lies are one and the same’. The liar is also the victim. In Bad Faith, I am pretending to be two different people; I am myself, but I am also another person. Neither is responsible for how I seem to have acted.
But the real evil of Bad Faith isn’t the little moments of self-deception. Existentialism is about whole ways of living, choices of life, and Bad Faith can infect an entire life
Sartre puts it, in sadness and in anger - ’A person can live in bad faith’. You can spend you whole life as if you weren’t the person you really are. Bad Faith is a way of ‘establishing that I am not what I am’. If the lies really work, then when other people confront me with my actions, I will genuinely feel disbelief and outrage. The concept of Bad Faith is an example of the wider existential idea, that nothing can relieve us of the burden of responsibility for our lives and our actions.
We need to setup for the next post where we will discuss some the tension points where alert and inert stakeholders make themselves felt. Internally, we will consider the concerns regarding social media generated by the IT manager, legal staff, business intelligence and most importantly the whistle blower. From the external world to the organization, we shall review recruiting, investor relations, and advertising.

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The Blurring Boundary between Consumer and Corporate Technologies | dub

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This blurring of business and consumer focused applications is called “consumerization” by technology research firms such as Gartner and executives at companies such as Microsoft. Consumerization posits that consumer technologies — including social networking tools, user generated content and wikis (web-based software that allows people to create content collaboratively) — are being increasingly adopted by corporate America
Experts at Wharton agree that consumer technology has been going corporate in recent years. Underlying this emerging trend are young and tech-savvy workers — called “digital natives”
conundrum to the traditional corporate technology department. Previously, companies dictated what software and hardware were used for work purposes. Today, choosing technology is becoming increasingly democratic as workers get more of a say
“We have observed a convergence of technologies between these two segments [consumer and corporate] because the user needs have been converging,” says Christian Terwiesch, a professor of operations and information management at Wharton. For instance, workers are demanding that corporate technology — say a search tool within a company — be as user friendly as Google’s popular search site.
Spurring this convergence of corporate and consumer technology is the fact that the line between personal lives and work has blurred.

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NPR: Coming Soon: Social Networking on NPR.org

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Personal Social Networking - Building A Conversation: Smart and Informed Social Network

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NPR boosts online offerings, seeks larger audience

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Personal Social Networking - Building A Conversation: Amazee is social collaboration

Amazze is an interesting community - it claims to be the site for collective action. If it works it could because the magazine that is used to promote projects within the community. It is this philosophy that lets members sign on to any of those advertised projects anywhere in the world.

Tags: social, networking, tools on 2008-09-18 -All Annotations (0) -About

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Rob McKay: Small Is the New Big in Progressive Politics - Politics on The Huffington Post

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The grab for this group of voters has generally been coordinated by a seasoned team of professional campaign staff operating in war rooms and spending millions in mobilizing voters. But new efforts among progressive voters, musicians, and grassroots groups are saying the way to be "big" in '08 is to "go small." And how resources are spent in this election and after, could determine whether the Democratic Party is about short-term voter excitement or permanent citizen engagement.
This new group of efforts focuses on local leadership, small circles, and cultural organizing. They are taking their strategies from the anti-slavery movement, groups like craigslist, and most surprisingly, a new Christian movement. "
Potts and other organizers note that while overall church attendance has steadily declined since the 1990s, a new form of church has taken off--the house church. Unlike traditional churches, the house church movement doesn't meet in a specific house of worship, but instead, as the name suggests, in people's homes.
They note the key to the success of these churches is threefold:

1. Shared values rather than on autocratic rule.

2. Peer circles, rather than as a large, rigid, top-down hierarchy.

3. Leading through inspiration rather than by formal authority, allowing, but not forcing, others to follow them.
As Potts, who is organizing with musicians during 08, puts it "The conservatives have churches every Sunday, progressives have concerts every night." From an organizing perspective, concerts are for progressives what churches have been for conservatives.

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Signals in Social Supernets

Tags: design, gossip, networking, reputation, signal, social, theory, trust, supernets on 2008-04-23 and saved by 8 people -All Annotations (9) -About

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It shows how the costs associated with adding friends and evaluating profiles affect the reliability of users' self-presentation; examines strategies such as information fashion and risk-taking; and shows how these costs and strategies affect how the publicly-displayed social network aids the establishment of trust, identity, and cooperation—the essential foundations for an expanded social world.
It makes reputation possible—individuals benefit from the experience of others in determining who is nice, who does good work, and who should be shunned for their dishonest ways. Using language to maintain ties and manage trust, people can form and manage more complex and extensive social networks.¹
The argument begins with an introduction to signaling theory. The next section uses this theory to examine how the fundamental structure of SNSs can bring greater trust and reliability to online self-presentations, how specific site design decisions enhance or weaken their trust-conferring ability, and how seemingly pointless or irrational behaviors, such as online fashion and risk taking, actually signal social information. The final section examines the transformative possibilities of social supernets—not only whether SNSs may bring them about, but if so, in what ways they might change our society.
An emphasis of this article is on ways of achieving reliable information about identity and affiliations. There are situations where ephemeral, hidden, or multiple identities are desirable. However, minimal online identity has been easy to create, while it is harder to establish more grounded identities in a fluid and nuanced way. A primary goal of this article is to understand how reliability is encouraged or enforced.
Signaling theory, developed initially in economics (Spence, 1973a) and biology (Zahavi, 1975), models the relationship between signals and qualities, showing why certain signals are reliable and others are not. For a signal to be reliable, the costs of deceptively producing the signal must outweigh the benefits. The core of signaling theory is its analysis of the types of signals and situations that bring this about
termed assessment signals
conventional signals
The self-descriptions in online profiles are mostly conventional signals—it is just as easy to type 24 or 62 as it is to enter one's actual age, or to put M rather than F as one's gender. Conventional signals are kept honest through the outside intervention of laws and social mores.
However, costs may discourage deception but not be high enough to guarantee honesty. The SNS LinkedIn requires that users provide the email address of the person with whom they wish to connect; this makes deceptively claiming to know someone costlier, but it certainly does not prevent all contact by strangers, especially for those with published email addresses.
Dunbar (1996) argued that while new communication technologies could increase the flow of information, they would be unable to change basic social structure and scale. He claimed that people would need to fall back on face-to-face interaction in order to establish trust, rather than relying on what he call the "mere ciphers" people encounter in the mediated domain (Dunbar, 1996, p. 204).
SNS users represent themselves with a profile, which includes a self-description, comments from other users, and the technology's defining feature, a list of links to chosen other members. The self-description can include pictures, affiliations, career goals, and other personal details. Alone, these are conventional signals, easily faked; even references to favorite obscure books and other displays of esoteric knowledge may have simply been copied from another's page. Yet the links to other members implies that they have vetted this description as true—although it is important to note that "true" means "true to the mores of our community," which can range from strict adherence to known facts to highly imaginative role-playing (boyd & Heer, 2006; Donath & boyd, 2004; Lenhart & Madden, 2007b).
Thus, one's display of connections signals one's trustworthiness (Donath & boyd, 2004). One of the most valuable contributions of SNSs is their potential to add trust to weak ties. Trusted weak ties are very useful sources of information, combining the heterogeneity that such ties generally have with the believability that comes with trust (Levin & Cross, 2004). Furthermore, SNSs can actually increase trustworthiness, by placing people within a context that can enforce social mores. SNSs make people aware that their friends and colleagues are looking at their self-presentation.
When people indiscriminately add connections, others who trusted their judgment can suffer and will eventually cease trusting them as a source for useful vouching. Site design influences this: Sites designed to make adding connections as easy as possible, emphasizing indiscriminate network growth, create networks that do little to increase trust or trustworthiness.
On sites with higher costs for creating a link, the observer has reason to believe that the links represent genuine relationships. Members of aSmallWorld are careful to request connections only with others whom they are sure wish to be linked to them, since they can be banished for having a few link requests declined (Price, 2006).
The meaning of these links is also personally subjective. For some people, listing someone as a "friend" on a social network site is an indication of personal and positive acquaintance. Others are far more casual, willing to add friends indiscriminately (boyd, 2006). This has ramifications for the reliability of the profile itself. Viewers may trust the self-created content of a profile if they believe that its links are to people who know that user well, while links that they believe have only minimal connection add little credence.

Personal Social Networking - Building A Conversation: Political Participation - Obama's Architecture

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Personal Social Networking - Building A Conversation: 25 Social Networking Tools

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Business Reputation: Creativity and Happiness: Response to Billy's Second Response – Open Letter

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Business Creativity and Happiness: Political Conversation - Billy Jack V Levy (Oldude59) Rivers

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Business Creativity and Happiness: Strategic Conversations

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Goverance, Ethics and Social Engagment: Reputation Investment

This sets up what the task of the reminding post in this series needs to accomplish.

Tags: corporate, engagment, goveranance, goverance, leadership, networking, reputation, social on 2008-03-24 -All Annotations (0) -About

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The Machinery of Hope : Rolling Stone

Tags: campaign, marketing, networking, obama, organizier, politics, social on 2008-03-23 and saved by 3 people -All Annotations (0) -About

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The meeting in San Marcos wasn't advertised in any traditional
sense. Instead, the campaign posted the event on my.barackobama.com
— its social-networking site affectionately known as "MyBo"
— and e-mailed local residents who had donated to the
campaign or surrendered their addresses as the price of admission
to an Obama rally. And the volunteers who showed up won't be
micromanaged by Ukman or anyone else from the campaign. They'll be
able to call their own shots, from organizing local rallies to
recruiting and training a crew of fellow Obama supporters to man
their precincts on election day.
This scene in the rec center is being repeated in neighborhood
coffee shops, high school cafeterias and public libraries across
Texas. Over the course of the three-day weekend, the Obama campaign
trained 4,000 precinct captains in more than twenty communities,
from El Paso to Corpus Christi. This is the same grass-roots effort
that has trounced the Clinton campaign — a classic top-down
operation run by high-paid consultants — in ten straight
contests by an average of more than thirty points. It has evolved
into the mother of all get-out-the-vote campaigns, one that has
enabled Obama to collect more votes in Virginia and Wisconsin than
all of the GOP candidates combined.
The Obama campaign has actually worked to
tamp down media coverage of its technological advances in
organizing, avoiding anything that would cast the candidate as "the
next Howard Dean." In Democratic political circles, Dean's
short-lived campaign still carries heavy baggage: Howard Dean
was the Internet. Howard Dean lost.
"They've been guarded," says Peter Leyden, director of the New
Politics Institute, a San Francisco-based think tank that promotes
technology in politics. "It's been beautiful to watch them blending
these new tools into the old-fashioned shoe-leather, door-knocking
politics. But they don't talk about it. People like myself have to
piece it together from its outer effects."
According to David Axelrod, the campaign's chief strategist, the
bottom-up ethos of the campaign comes straight from the top. "When
we started this race, Barack told us that he wanted the campaign to
be a vehicle for involving people and giving them a stake in the
kind of organizing he believed in," Axelrod says. "He is still the
same guy who came to Chicago as a community organizer twenty-three
years ago. The idea that we can organize together and improve our
country — I mean, he really believes that."
Steve Hildebrand, a folksy veteran of South Dakota politics
regarded as one of the top field strategists in the game. "We
wanted to make sure we learned from Howard Dean's campaign,"
Hildebrand says. The most valuable lesson? "We didn't make the
assumption that people signing up on our Web site meant that they
were going to help the candidate or even vote for him. From the
beginning, we had an initiative to take our online force
offline."
In February and March of 2007, just after Obama
announced his candidacy, the campaign set up huge rallies in cities
from Los Angeles to Austin to Cleveland. In return for a ticket,
supporters were asked only to provide their e-mail, zip code and
telephone number — a practice that continues at every Obama
megarally, where it has become routine for him to draw crowds in
excess of 20,000.
"Events are not just an opportunity for us to put Barack in
front of voters," says Hildebrand. "It's a chance for voters to be
in a captive environment where we ask them to sign up and do more
for Barack — to make phone calls, canvas, get out the vote.
We don't want people to just come to an event — we want them
to become part of this movement."

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The Machinery of Hope : Rolling Stone

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To turn well-meaning students and nurses and social workers into
self-sufficient organizers, the campaign has put nearly 7,000
supporters through an intensive, four-day seminar known as "Camp
Obama." Starting last March, the campaign solicited applications
from its most dedicated supporters and asked them to travel to
Chicago on their own dime.
Using the social-networking tools of MyBo, the volunteers began
to create city- and statewide networks with names like IdahObama,
groups that could be tapped later by the professional staff to
organize down to the precinct level. In Maryland, the campaign was
able to mobilize 3,000 volunteers in only three weeks, thanks to
the months of groundwork by groups like Baltimore for Barack
Obama.
A strategy that leans so heavily on the grass roots is not
without risk. In February, right-wing blogs had a field day when a
Fox News affiliate ran footage of a volunteer office in Houston
decorated with a Che Guevara flag. But the unique structure of the
Obama campaign blunts the PR fallout of such off-message moments
because it offers plausible deniability: "This is a volunteer
office," the campaign wrote in a press release that forced a
clarification from Fox, "that is not in any way controlled by the
Obama campaign."
"There's no doubt that there's a downside to the Internet,"
Axelrod says. "Ugly, unfiltered things circulate virally, and we've
had to deal with that. But it's a great democratizing force as
well.
Obama's army of organizers has enabled
him to repeatedly outman and outwit his opponents —
especially in states that vote by caucus. "The Clinton campaign is
the last, antiquated vestige of the top-down model," says Trippi.
"The top cannot organize caucus states; the bottom can."
While Clinton was spending
lavishly to win New Jersey with 600,000 votes, Obama more than
offset his delegate loss there simply by mobilizing 17,000 Idahoans
to caucus for him. "The Clinton campaign made a fundamental mistake
by writing states off," says Hildebrand.
Clinton, by contrast, had no
plan, no money and no real grass-roots organization. Even worse for
Clinton, the only state whose demographics truly favored her was
Maine, a caucus. "Both campaigns thought it was better territory
for her, and we were pretty nervous about it," admits Hildebrand.
"She was spending a lot of time there, she had staff there." But
demographics proved no match for Obama's field organization.
Clinton lost Maine — by nineteen points.

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The Machinery of Hope : Rolling Stone

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Social Networking For Compliance Officers

Those who are task with watch what we do and say now have a network to talk shop - who's watching what they say?

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