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Doctrina y Convenios 105
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después de muchos días
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después de muchos días
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después de muchos días
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Moroni 7
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lo que es de Dios invita e induce a hacer lo bueno continuamente
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y por toda palabra que salía de la boca de Dios
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he aquí os será concedido
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una mente firme en toda forma de santidad
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el resto
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ningún hombre puede ser salvo a menos que tenga fe en su nombre
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mansedumbre
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y bconfiesa por el poder del Espíritu Santo que Jesús es el Cristo
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2 Nefi 28
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Alma 37
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6
Ahora bien, tal vez pienses que esto es alocura de mi parte; mas he aquí, te digo que por medio de cosas bpequeñas y sencillas se realizan grandes cosas; y en muchos casos, los pequeños medios confunden a los sabios.
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Y el Señor Dios se vale de amedios para realizar sus grandes y eternos designios; y por medios muy bpequeños el Señor confunde a los sabios y realiza la salvación de muchas almas.
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Éter 3
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Steel Axes for Stone – Age Australians by Lauriston Sharp
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Returning to the Yir Yoront, we find that adult men kept axes in camp with their otherequipment, or carried them when travelling. Thus a woman or child who wanted to use an axe asmight frequently happen during the day–had to get one from a man, use it promptly, and return itin good condition. While a man might speak of “my axe,” a woman or child could notThis necessary and constant borrowing of axes from older men by women and children was inaccordance with regular path of kinship behavior. A woman would expect to use her husbandsaxe unless he himself was using it; if unmarried, or if her husband was absent, a woman wouldgo first to her older brother and then to her father. Only in extraordinary circumstances would awoman seek a stone axe from other male kin. A girl, a boy, or a young man would look to afather or an older brother to provide an axe.
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It will be noted that all of these social relationships in which the stone axe had a place are pairrelationships and that the use of the axe helped to define and mantain their character and theroles of the two individual participants. Every active relationship gong the Yir Yoront involved adefinite and accepted status of superordination or subordination.A person could have no dealingswith another on exactly equal terms. The nearest approach to equality was between brothers,although the older was always superordinate to the younger.
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It can be seen that repeated d widespread conduct centering around the use of the axe helpedgeneralize and standardize these. sex, age, and kinship roles in their normal benevolent andexceptional malevolent aspects.
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The stone axe was an important symbol of masculinity am the Yir Yoront [just as pants, or pipes,are to us]. By a complicated set of ideas the axe was defined as “belonging” to males, everyonein the society [except untrained infants] accepted these ideas. Similarly spears, spear throwers,and fire–making sticks were owned only by men and were also symbols of masculinity. But themasculine values represented by the stone axe w constantly being impressed on all members ofsociety by the that females borrowed axes but not other masculine artifacts Thus the axe stoodfor an important theme of Yir Yoront : the superiority and rightful dominance of the male, andgreater value of his concerns and of all things associated . him. As the axe also had to beborrowed by the younger people it represented the prestige of age, another important theme ringthrough Yir Yoront behavior.
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As a result a woman would refer to the axe as “mine,” a possessive form she wasnever able to use of the stone axe. In same fashion, young men or even boys alsoobtained steel directly from the mission, with the result that older men no longerhad a complete monopoly of all the axes in the bush unity. All this led to arevolutionary confusion of sex, age, kinship roles, with a major gain inindependence and loss of information on the part of those who now owned steelaxes n they had previously been unable to possess stone axes.
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The trading partner relationship was also affected by the new situation. A YirYoront might have a trading partner in a tribe to south whom he defined as ayounger brother and over whom he would therefore have some authority. But if thepartner were in contact with the mission or had other access to steel axes, hissubordination obviously decreased. Among other things, this took some of theexcitement away from the dry season fiesta–like gatherings centering aroundinitiations. These had traditionally been the climactic annual occasions forexchanges between trading partners, when a man might seek to acquire a wholeyears supply of stone axe heads. Now he might find himself, prostituting his wifeto almost total strangers in return for steel or other white man’s goods. Withtrading partnerships ended, there was less reason to attend the ceremonies – andless fun for those who did.
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Not only did an increase in steel axes and their distribution to women change thecharacter of the relations between individuals [the paired relationships that havebeen noted], but a previously rare type of relationship was created in the YirYoront’s conduct toward whites. In the aboriginal society there were few occasionoutside of the immediate family when an individual would initiate action to severalother people at once. In any average group, in accordance with the kinship system,while a person might be superordinate to several people to whom he could suggesta1 command action, he was also subordinate to several others with whom suchbehavior would be tabu. There was thus no overall chieftanship or authoritarianleadership of any kind. Such complicated operations as grass–burning animaldrives or totemic ceremonies could be carried out smoothly because each personwas aware of his role.
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On both mission and cattle stations, however, the whites imposed their conceptionof leadership roles upon the aborigines consisting of one person in a controllingrelationship with subordinate group. Aboriginals called together to receive giftsincluding axes, at a mission Christmas party found themselves facing one or twowhites who sought to control their behavior the occasion, who disregarded the age,sex, and kinship variables of which the aboriginals were so conscious, andconsidered– them all at one subordinate level. The white sought to impose similarpatterns on work parties. [However, he placed an aboriginal in charge of a mixedgroup of postdiggers, for example, half of the group those subordinate to “boss,”would work while the other half, who were superordinate to him, would sleep.] Forthe aboriginal, the steel axe and European goods came to symbolize this new anduncomfortable form of social organization, the leader–group relationship.
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The most disturbing effects of the steel axe, operating conjunction with otherelements also being introduced from white man’s several sub–cultures, developedin the realm traditional ideas, sentiments, and values. These were undermined at arapidly mounting rate, with no new conceptions defined to replace them. The resultwas the erection of a mental and moral void which foreshadowed the collapse anddestruction of all Yir Yoront culture, if not, indeed, the extinction of biologicalgroup itself.
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From what has been said it should be clear how changes in overt behavior, intechnology and conduct, weakened the v inherent in a reliance on nature, in theprestige of masculinity and of age, and in the various kinship relations. A scenewas in which a wife, or a young son, whose initiation may not have beencompleted, need no longer defer to the husband or father who, in turn, becameconfused and insecure as he was forced to borrow a steel axe from them. For thewoman and boy the steel axe helped establish a new degree of freedom which theyaccepted readily as an escape from the unconscious stress of the old patterns–butthey, too, were left confused and insecure. Ownership became less well definedwith the result that stealing and trespassing were introduced into technology andconduct. Some of the excitement surrounding the great ceremonies evaporated and
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they lost their previous gaiety and interest. Indeed, life itself became lessinteresting, although this did not lead the Yir Yoront to discover suicide, a conceptforeign to them.
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The whole process may be most specifically illustrated in terms of totemic system
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breakdown of a culture.
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The adoption would require a much more difficultprocedure; the acceptance by the entire society of a myth, either locally developedor borrowed, to explain the presence of the canoe, to associate it with some one ormore of the several hundred mythical ancestors [and how decide which?], and thusestablish it as an accepted totem of ore of the clans ready to be used by the wholecommunity.
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The steel axe, shifting hopelessly between one clan and the other, is not onlyreplacing the stone axe physically, but it is hacking at the supports of the entirecultural system.
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The totemic ideology can no longer support theinrushing mass of foreign culture traits, and the myth–making process in its nativeform breaks down completely.
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Both intellectually and emotionally a saturationpoint is reached so that the myriad new traits, which can neither be ignored nor anylonger assimilated simply force the aboriginal to abandon his totemic system. Withthe collapse of this system of ideas, which is so closely related to so many otheraspects of the native culture, there follows an appallingly sodden and completecultural disintegration, and a demoralization of the individual such as has seldombeen recorded elsewhere. Without the support of a system of ideas well devised toprovide cultural stability in a stable environment, but admittedly too rigid for thenew realities pressing in from outside, native behavior and native sentiments andvalues are simply dead. Apathy reigns.
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Without the past, the present could be meaningless and the future unstructured anduncertain. Insecurities would be inevitable. Reaction to this stress might be someform of symbolic aggression, or withdrawal and apathy, or some more realisticapproach. In such a situation the missionary with understanding of the processesgoing on about him would find his opportunity to introduce his forms of religionand to help create a new cultural universe.
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Find Result - 121 S.Ct. 1302
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We have been clear in rejecting the supposition that the advantages of the arbitration process somehow disappear when transferred to the employment context. See
Gilmer, 500 U.S., at 30-32, 111 S.Ct. 1647. -
Nevertheless, the original bill was opposed by representatives of organized labor, most notably the president of the International Seamen's Union of America,FN5 because of their *127
concern that the legislation might authorize federal judicial enforcement of arbitration clauses in employment contracts and collective-bargaining agreements.FN6 -
FN5. He stated:“[T]his bill provides for reintroduction of forced or involuntary labor, if the freeman through his necessities shall be induced to sign. Will such contracts be signed? Esau agreed, because he was hungry. It was the desire to live that caused slavery to begin and continue. With the growing hunger in modern society, there will be but few that will be able to resist. The personal hunger of the
seaman, and the hunger of the wife and children of the
railroad man will surely tempt them to sign, and so with
sundry other workers in ‘Interstate and Foreign Commerce.’ ” Proceedings of the Twenty-sixth Annual Convention of the International Seamen's Union of America 203-204 (1923) (emphasis added). -
As the history of the legislation indicates, the potential disparity in bargaining power between individual employees and large employers was the source of organized labor's opposition to the Act, which it feared would require courts to enforce unfair employment contracts.
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FN3. Senator Walsh expressed this concern during a subcommittee hearing on the FAA:“ ‘The trouble about the matter is that a great many of these contracts that are entered into are really not voluntar[y] things at all. ... It is the same with a good many contracts of employment. A man says, “There are our terms. All right, take it or leave it.” Well, there is nothing for the man to do except to sign it; and then he surrenders his right to have his case tried by the court, and has to have it tried before a tribunal in which he has no confidence at all.’ ” Hearing on S. 4213 et al., at 9.
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Éter 2
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Y no quiso el Señor permitir que se detuvieran del otro lado del mar, en el desierto, sino dispuso que avanzaran hasta llegar a la atierra de promisión, que era una tierra escogida sobre todas las demás, la cual el Señor Dios había preservado para un pueblo justo.
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Alma 43
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44
Y los animaban los azoramitas y los amalekitas, que eran sus principales capitanes y caudillos, y también Zerahemna, su capitán en jefe, o caudillo principal y comandante; sí, pelearon como dragones, y muchos de los nefitas perecieron por su mano; sí, porque partieron en dos muchos de sus cascos, y atravesaron muchos de sus petos, y a muchos les cortaron los brazos; y de este modo fue como los lamanitas atacaron en su furiosa ira.
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Mormón 4
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Y en el año trescientos sesenta y siete aconteció que los nefitas, furiosos porque los lamanitas habían sacrificado a sus mujeres y a sus hijos, marcharon contra los lamanitas, poseídos de una ira sumamente grande, de manera que nuevamente vencieron a los lamanitas y los echaron fuera de sus tierras.
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Nefi második 21
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