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Lessons for the anarchist movement of the Israeli-Lebanese War - Anarkismo
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Instead, I propose a different anarchist approach: Revolutionary anarchists should, at the same time, (1) be in solidarity with the people of the oppressed nation against the oppressor (in this case Lebanon against the U.S.-Israel), while (2) politically opposing all bourgeois-statist (nationalist, Islamist, etc.) programs and leaderships (here Hezballah, other nationalists, etc.) in favor of revolutionary, internationalist socialist-anarchism. By “solidarity” I mean being “on the side of” the people of the oppressed nation, supporting them against attacks from their oppressors. (Which does not prevent us from sympathy for Israeli--and U.S.--soldiers, but this is a sympathy due to their humanity and their working class background, not a solidarity with their being soldiers.)
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This issue is an aspect of a broader question: the relationship between class issues and specific nonclass issues when seeking liberation. The problem of oppression may be divided between class exploitation and other, nonclass, forms of oppression. Class exploitation refers to the way the capitalists pump surplus value out of the workers (and also to the exploitation of peasants by landlords and capitalists). Nonclass oppressions include the oppression of women (gender), of People of Color (race), of Gays and Lesbians (homophobia), of minority religions, of youth, etc., as well as national oppression. Working class oppression is specific to capitalism and its resolution requires socialist revolution. The other oppressions (even that of the peasants--who are still a large proportion of humanity) are often remnants from pre-capitalism. They are forms of oppression which capitalism, in its revolutionary youth, “promised” to abolish. This was the bourgeois-democratic program as raised in the great capitalist revolutions of England, the U.S., France, and Latin America.
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الرئيس المُحنَّط أو تـــابع التابع | جريدة الأخبار
مرثية مبكرة لمبارك يكتبها أسعد
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لكن حزب الله لم يتوصّل بعد إلى ما توصّل إليه جورج حبش ووديع حدّاد بعد 1967: أن هدف تحرير فلسطين يتعارض ويتناقض فعلاً وقولاً مع مهادنة الأنظمة العربيّة (وحادت الجبهة الشعبيّة في ما بعد عن
الرئيس فؤاد السنيورة (أرشيف ــ أ ف ب)هذا الاستنتاج). لكن حزب الله معذور في تفضيله عدم فتح معركة مع الأنظمة، لأن سلاح الفتنة المذهبيّة، الذي تحوّل إلى سلاح ماضٍ رسمي بأيدي المعسكر السعودي، يضعف قوة حزب الله بسبب سهولة انتقاده نتيجة تركيبته الطائفيّة وأيديولوجيّته غير الجامِعة. يُلام الحزب لعدم اهتمامه ببناء جبهة مساندة للمقاومة على نسق الجبهة المساندة للثورة الفلسطينيّة التي أنشأها كمال جنبلاط، ويُلام أيضاً لعدم ارتياحه إلى التحالف مع الجناح العلماني ـــــ اليساري من المقاومة في لبنان وفي غير لبنان، وإن كان لا يُلام لعدم رغبته أو قدرته على انتهاج عقيدة مغايرة لعقيدته.
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