Middle - Eli F on Diigo

23 Jul 08

Peace Now

Israeli progressive peace group website

www.peacenow.org.il/...homepage.asp - Preview

Israel Middle East Palestine

12 Jul 08

Arab media blind to Darfur

english.aljazeera.net/...20087111423350627.html - Preview

Drafur Arab Media Middle East

14 May 08

Slideshow: Inside Shatila

Sixty years ago many Palestinians fled or were forced to leave their homes in what is now Israel and some of those people found their way to refugee camps such as Shatila in Lebanon.

news.bbc.co.uk/...7398071.stm - Preview

Shatila Lebanon Middle East

11 May 08

Who's Who In Lebanese Politics

Lebanon recognises 18 religious communities across the country and all are represented in the complex politicial system.

The three highest offices in government are reserved for Shia Muslim, Sunni Muslim and Maronite Christian politicians.

english.aljazeera.net/...3B3-46D7-AE84-C2DD1C1F50F6.htm - Preview

lebanon Hezbollah middle east

Fighting Spreads In Lebanon

english.aljazeera.net/...969-442A-858C-54EED513CB43.htm - Preview

lebanon Hezbollah middle east

17 Apr 08

McCain's Speech on Foreign Policy, March 2008 - Council on Foreign Relations

Very recent speech by McCain on foreign policy - a good summary of his positions and larger vision

www.cfr.org/...foreign_policy_march_2008.html - Preview

John McCain foreign policy Middle East

calls himself a "realistic idealist" - efeghali on 2008-04-16

But I am, from hard experience and the judgment it informs, a realistic idealist.
But we must also lead by attracting others to our cause
24 more annotations...
- We have to strengthen our global alliances as the core of a new global compact — a League of Democracies — that can harness the vast influence of the more than one hundred democratic nations around the world to advance our values and defend our shared interests.
- Our great power does not mean we can do whatever we want whenever we want, nor should we assume we have all the wisdom and knowledge necessary to succeed. We need to listen to the views and respect the collective will of our democratic allies. When we believe international action is necessary, whether military, economic, or diplomatic, we will try to persuade our friends that we are right. But we, in return, must be willing to be persuaded by them.
- I believe we should close Guantanamo and work with our allies to forge a new international understanding on the disposition of dangerous detainees under our control.
- Americans should welcome the rise of a strong, confident European Union as we continue to support a strong NATO.
- prevent Iran — a nation whose President has repeatedly expressed a desire to wipe Israel from the face of the earth — from obtaining a nuclear weapon
- the threat of radical Islamic terrorism.
- But the threat posed by the terrorists is unique
- Any president who does not regard this threat as transcending all others does not deserve to sit in the White House, for he or she does not take seriously enough the first and most basic duty a president has — to protect the lives of the American people.
- But we must also have an aggressive strategy of confronting and rooting out the terrorists wherever they seek to operate, and deny them bases in failed or failing states.
- It will require the use of all elements of our national power: public diplomacy; development assistance; law enforcement training; expansion of economic opportunity; and robust intelligence capabilities.
- I have called for major changes in how our government faces the challenge of radical Islamic extremism by much greater resources for and integration of civilian efforts to prevent conflict and to address post-conflict challenges. Our goal must be to win the “hearts and minds” of the vast majority of moderate Muslims who do not want their future controlled by a minority of violent extremists. In this struggle, scholarships will be far more important than smart bombs.
- We also need to build the international structures for a durable peace in which the radical extremists are gradually eclipsed by the more powerful forces of freedom and tolerance.
- Our efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan are critical in this respect and cannot be viewed in isolation from our broader strategy. In the troubled and often dangerous region they occupy, these two nations can either be sources of extremism and instability or they can in time become pillars of stability, tolerance, and democracy.
- For decades in the greater Middle East, we had a strategy of relying on autocrats to provide order and stability.
- We can no longer delude ourselves that relying on these out-dated autocracies is the safest bet. They no longer provide lasting stability, only the illusion of it. We must not act rashly or demand change overnight.
- We must help expand the power and reach of freedom, using all our many strengths as a free people. This is not just idealism. It is the truest kind of realism. It is the democracies of the world that will provide the pillars upon which we can and must build an enduring peace.
- Success in Iraq and Afghanistan is the establishment of peaceful, stable, prosperous, democratic states that pose no threat to neighbors and contribute to the defeat of terrorists. It is the triumph of religious tolerance over violent radicalism.
- Iraqis themselves must increasingly take responsibility for their own security, and they must become responsible political actors. It does not follow from this, however, that we should now recklessly retreat from Iraq regardless of the consequences. We must take the course of prudence and responsibility, and help Iraqis move closer to the day when they no longer need our help.
- We have incurred a moral responsibility in Iraq. It would be an unconscionable act of betrayal, a stain on our character as a great nation, if we were to walk away from the Iraqi people and consign them to the horrendous violence, ethnic cleansing, and possibly genocide that would follow a reckless, irresponsible, and premature withdrawal.
- Those who claim we should withdraw from Iraq in order to fight Al Qaeda more effectively elsewhere are making a dangerous mistake
- If we withdraw prematurely from Iraq, al Qaeda in Iraq will survive, proclaim victory and continue to provoke sectarian tensions that, while they have been subdued by the success of the surge, still exist, as various factions of Sunni and Shi’a have yet to move beyond their ancient hatreds, and are ripe for provocation by al Qaeda
- believe a reckless and premature withdrawal would be a terrible defeat for our security interests and our values
- Iran will also view our premature withdrawal as a victory, and the biggest state supporter of terrorists, a country with nuclear ambitions and a stated desire to destroy the State of Israel, will see its influence in the Middle East grow significantl
- that we must sometimes pay those wages to avoid paying even higher ones later.

Security and Opportunity for the Twenty-first Century - Hillary Rodham Clinton

Clinton's essay on foreign policy for Foreign Affairs.

Summary: The next U.S. president will have a moment of opportunity to reintroduce America to the world and restore our leadership. To build a world that is safe, prosperous, and just, we must get out of Iraq, rediscover the value of statesmanship, and live up to the democratic values that are the deepest source of our strength.

www.foreignaffairs.org/...-the-twenty-first-century.html - Preview

Hillary Clinton foreign policy Middle East

After 9/11, the world rallied behind the United States as never before, supporting our efforts to remove the Taliban in Afghanistan and go after the al Qaeda leadership. We had a historic opportunity to build a broad global coalition to combat terror, increase the impact of our diplomacy, and create a world with more partners and fewer adversaries.
But we lost that opportunity by refusing to let the UN inspectors finish their work in Iraq and rushing to war instead. Moreover, we diverted vital military and financial resources from the struggle against al Qaeda and the daunting task of building a Muslim democracy in Afghanistan.
31 more annotations...
- At the same time, we embarked on an unprecedented course of unilateralism: refusing to pursue ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, abandoning our commitment to nuclear nonproliferation, and turning our backs on the search for peace in the Middle East
- . The next president will have a moment of opportunity to restore America's global standing and convince the world that America can lead once again. As president, I will seize that opportunity by reintroducing ourselves to the world. I will rebuild our power and ensure that the United States is committed to building a world we want, rather than simply defending against a world we fear.
- The next president will be the first to inherit two wars, a long-term campaign against global terrorist networks, and growing tension with Iran as it seeks to acquire nuclear weapons.
- The United States will face a resurgent Russia whose future orientation is uncertain and a rapidly growing China that must be integrated into the international system. Moreover, the next administration will have to confront an unpredictable and dangerous situation in the Middle East that threatens Israel and could potentially bring down the global economy by disrupting oil supplies
- To meet these challenges, we will have to replenish American power by getting out of Iraq, rebuilding our military, and developing a much broader arsenal of tools in the fight against terrorism
- There is a time for force and a time for diplomacy; when properly deployed, the two can reinforce each other. U.S. foreign policy must be guided by a preference for multilateralism, with unilateralism as an option when absolutely necessary to protect our security or avert an avoidable tragedy.
- Make international institutions work, and work through them when possible. Contrary to what many in the current administration appear to believe, international institutions are tools rather than traps. The United States must be prepared to act on its own to defend its vital interests, but effective international institutions make it much less likely that we will have to do so. Both Republican and Democratic presidents have understood this for decades. When such institutions work well, they enhance our influence.
- Calls for expanding civil and political rights in countries plagued by mass poverty and ruled by tiny wealthy elites will fall on deaf ears unless democracy actually delivers enough material benefits to improve people's lives.
- Ending the war in Iraq is the first step toward restoring the United States' global leadership. The war is sapping our military strength, absorbing our strategic assets, diverting attention and resources from Afghanistan, alienating our allies, and dividing our people. The war in Iraq has also stretched our military to the breaking point. We must rebuild our armed services and restore them body and soul.
- We must withdraw from Iraq in a way that brings our troops home safely, begins to restore stability to the region, and replaces military force with a new diplomatic initiative to engage countries around the world in securing Iraq's future.
- While working to stabilize Iraq as our forces withdraw, I will focus U.S. aid on helping Iraqis, not propping up the Iraqi government. Financial resources will go only where they will be used properly, rather than to government ministries or ministers that hoard, steal, or waste them.
- As we leave Iraq militarily, I will replace our military force with an intensive diplomatic initiative in the region. The Bush administration has belatedly begun to engage Iran and Syria in talks about the future of Iraq. This is a step in the right direction, but much more must be done. As president, I will convene a regional stabilization group composed of key allies, other global powers, and all the states bordering Iraq.
- Finally, we need to engage the world in a global humanitarian effort to confront the human costs of this war. We must address the plight of the two million Iraqis who have fled their country and the two million more who have been displaced internally.
- As we redeploy our troops from Iraq, we must not let down our guard against terrorism. I will order specialized units to engage in targeted operations against al Qaeda in Iraq and other terrorist organizations in the region.
- Getting out of Iraq will enable us to play a constructive role in a renewed Middle East peace process that would mean security and normal relations for Israel and the Palestinians. The fundamental elements of a final agreement have been clear since 2000: a Palestinian state in Gaza and the West Bank in return for a declaration that the conflict is over, recognition of Israel's right to exist, guarantees of Israeli security, diplomatic recognition of Israel, and normalization of its relations with Arab states.
- U.S. diplomacy is critical in helping to resolve this conflict. In addition to facilitating negotiations, we must engage in regional diplomacy to gain Arab support for a Palestinian leadership that is committed to peace and willing to engage in a dialogue with the Israelis.
- I will work to expand and modernize the military so that fighting wars no longer comes at the expense of deployments for long-term deterrence, military readiness, or responses to urgent needs at home.
- We must develop a comprehensive strategy focusing on education, intelligence, and law enforcement to counter not only the terrorists themselves but also the larger forces fueling support for their extremism.
- The forgotten frontline in the war on terror is Afghanistan, where our military effort must be reinforced. The Taliban cannot be allowed to regain power in Afghanistan; if they return, al Qaeda will return with them.
- We must also strengthen the national and local governments and resolve the problems along Afghanistan's border.
- it would also signal to our NATO partners that the war in Afghanistan and the broader fight against extremism in South Asia are battles that we can and must win. Yet we cannot succeed unless we design a strategy that treats the entire region as an interconnected whole, where crises overlap with one another and the danger of a chain reaction of disasters is real.
- To maximize our effectiveness, we have to rebuild our alliances. The problem we face is global; we must therefore be attentive to the values, concerns, and interests of our allies and partners. That means doing a better job of building counterterrorist capacity around the world.
- True statesmanship requires that we engage with our adversaries, not for the sake of talking but because robust diplomacy is a prerequisite to achieving our aims.
- The Bush administration refuses to talk to Iran about its nuclear program, preferring to ignore bad behavior rather than challenge it.
- As a result, we have lost precious time. Iran must conform to its nonproliferation obligations and must not be permitted to build or acquire nuclear weapons. If Iran does not comply with its own commitments and the will of the international community, all options must remain on the table.
- On the other hand, if Iran is in fact willing to end its nuclear weapons program, renounce sponsorship of terrorism, support Middle East peace, and play a constructive role in stabilizing Iraq, the United States should be prepared to offer Iran a carefully calibrated package of incentives.
- Neither North Korea nor Iran will change course as a result of what we do with our own nuclear weapons, but taking dramatic steps to reduce our nuclear arsenal would build support for the coalitions we need to address the threat of nuclear proliferation and help the United States regain the moral high ground.
- To build the world we want, we must begin by speaking honestly about the problems we face.
- Education is the foundation of economic opportunity and should lie at the heart of America's foreign assistance efforts.
- In 1825, 50 years after the Battle of Bunker Hill, the great secretary of state Daniel Webster laid the cornerstone of the Bunker Hill Monument that stands today in Boston. He exulted in the simple fact that America had survived and flourished, and he celebrated "the benefit which the example of our country has produced, and is likely to produce, on human freedom and human happiness." He gloried not in American power but rather in the power of the American idea, the idea that "with wisdom and knowledge men may govern themselves." And he urged his audience, and all Americans, to maintain this example and "take care that nothing may weaken its authority with the world."
- Two centuries later, our economic power and military might have grown beyond anything that our forefathers could have imagined. But that power and might can only be sustained and renewed if we can regain our authority with the world, the authority not simply of a large and wealthy nation but of the American idea. If we can live up to that idea, if we can exercise our power wisely and well, we can make America great again.

16 Apr 08

Renewing American Leadership - Barack Obama

Barack Obama's essay on foreign policy for Foreign Affairs.

Summary: After Iraq, we may be tempted to turn inward. That would be a mistake. The American moment is not over, but it must be seized anew. We must bring the war to a responsible end and then renew our leadership -- military, diplomatic, moral -- to confront new threats and capitalize on new opportunities. America cannot meet this century's challenges alone; the world cannot meet them without America.

www.foreignaffairs.org/...ewing-american-leadership.html - Preview

Barack Obama foreign policy Middle East

After thousands of lives lost and billions
of dollars spent, many Americans may be tempted to turn inward and cede our leadership
in world affairs. But this is a mistake we must not make. America cannot meet the
threats of this century alone, and the world cannot meet them without America. We
can neither retreat from the world nor try to bully it into submission. We must
lead the world, by deed and by example.
the security and well-being of each and every American depend
on the security and well-being of those who live beyond our borders. The mission
of the United States is to provide global leadership grounded in the understanding
that the world shares a common security and a common humanity.
30 more annotations...
- To see American power in terminal decline is to ignore America's
  great promise and historic purpose in the world
- The best chance we have to leave Iraq a better
  place is to pressure these warring parties to find a lasting political solution.
  And the only effective way to apply this pressure is to begin a phased withdrawal
  of U.S. forces, with the goal of removing all combat brigades from Iraq by March
  31, 2008 -- a date consistent with the goal set by the bipartisan Iraq Study Group.
- To gain credibility in this effort, we must make clear that we seek
  no permanent bases in Iraq. We should leave behind only a minimal over-the-horizon
  military force in the region to protect American personnel and facilities, continue
  training Iraqi security forces, and root out al Qaeda.
- Changing the dynamic
  in Iraq will allow us to focus our attention and influence on resolving the festering
  conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians -- a task that the Bush administration
  neglected for years.
- In recent years, they have
  all too often looked in vain. Our starting point must always be a clear and strong
  commitment to the security of Israel, our strongest ally in the region and its only
  established democracy.
- Now more than ever, we must
  strive to secure a lasting settlement of the conflict with two states living side
  by side in peace and security. To do so, we must help the Israelis identify and
  strengthen those partners who are truly committed to peace, while isolating those
  who seek conflict and instability.
- Tough-minded diplomacy,
  backed by the whole range of instruments of American power -- political, economic,
  and military -- could bring success even when dealing with long-standing adversaries
  such as Iran and Syria.
- Although we must not rule out using military force, we should not hesitate
  to talk directly to Iran. Our diplomacy should aim to raise the cost for Iran of
  continuing its nuclear program by applying tougher sanctions and increasing pressure
  from its key trading partners.
- At the same time, we
  must show Iran -- and especially the Iranian people -- what could be gained from
  fundamental change: economic engagement, security assurances, and diplomatic relations.
- Diplomacy combined with pressure could also reorient Syria away from its radical
  agenda to a more moderate stance -- which could, in turn, help stabilize Iraq, isolate
  Iran, free Lebanon from Damascus' grip, and better secure Israel.
- A strong military
  is, more than anything, necessary to sustain peace.
- We must use this moment both to rebuild our
  military and to prepare it for the missions of the future.
- We should expand our ground forces
  by adding 65,000 soldiers to the army and 27,000 marines.
- We must recruit the very best and invest in their
  capacity to succeed. That means providing our servicemen and servicewomen with first-rate
  equipment, armor, incentives, and training -- including in foreign languages and
  other critical skills.
- I will not
  hesitate to use force, unilaterally if necessary, to protect the American people
  or our vital interests whenever we are attacked or imminently threatened.
- We must also consider using military
  force in circumstances beyond self-defense in order to provide for the common security
  that underpins global stability -- to support friends, participate in stability
  and reconstruction operations, or confront mass atrocities. But when we do use force
  in situations other than self-defense, we should make every effort to garner the
  clear support and participation of others
- Finally, we must develop a strong international
  coalition to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons and eliminate North Korea's
  nuclear weapons program. Iran and North Korea could trigger regional arms races,
  creating dangerous nuclear flashpoints in the Middle East and East Asia. In confronting
  these threats, I will not take the military option off the table. But our first measure
  must be sustained, direct, and aggressive diplomacy -- the kind that the Bush administration
  has been unable and unwilling to use.
- We must refocus our efforts on Afghanistan
  and Pakistan
- We should
  pursue an integrated strategy that reinforces our troops in Afghanistan and works
  to remove the limitations placed by some NATO allies on their forces. Our strategy
  must also include sustained diplomacy to isolate the Taliban and more effective development
  programs that target aid to areas where the Taliban are making inroads.
- To defeat al Qaeda, I will
  build a twenty-first-century military and twenty-first-century partnerships as strong
  as the anticommunist alliance that won the Cold War to stay on the offense everywhere
  from Djibouti to Kandahar.
- Finally, we need a comprehensive strategy
  to defeat global terrorists -- one that draws on the full range of American power,
  not just our military might. As a senior U.S. military commander put it, when people
  have dignity and opportunity, "the chance of extremism being welcomed greatly, if
  not completely, diminishes." It is for this reason that we need to invest with our
  allies in strengthening weak states and helping to rebuild failed ones.
- To empower forces of moderation, America
  must make every effort to export opportunity -- access to education and health care,
  trade and investment -- and provide the kind of steady support for political reformers
  and civil society that enabled our victory in the Cold War. Our beliefs rest on
  hope; the extremists' rest on fear. That is why we can -- and will -- win this struggle.
- But today, NATO's challenge in Afghanistan has
  exposed, as Senator Lugar has put it, "the growing discrepancy between NATO's
  expanding missions and its lagging capabilities." To close this gap, I will rally
  our NATO allies to contribute more troops to collective security operations
  and to invest more in reconstruction and stabilization capabilities.
- I will work to forge a more effective framework
  in Asia that goes beyond bilateral agreements, occasional summits, and ad hoc arrangements,
  such as the six-party talks on North Korea. We need an inclusive infrastructure
  with the countries in East Asia that can promote stability and prosperity and help
  confront transnational threats, from terrorist cells in the Philippines to avian
  flu in Indonesia.
- To that end, the United Nations requires
  far-reaching reform. The UN Secretariat's management practices remain weak. Peacekeeping
  operations are overextended. The new UN Human Rights Council has passed eight
  resolutions condemning Israel -- but not a single resolution condemning the genocide
  in Darfur or human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. Yet none of these problems will be
  solved unless America rededicates itself to the organization and its mission.
- People around the world have heard a great
  deal of late about freedom on the march. Tragically, many have come to associate
  this with war, torture, and forcibly imposed regime change. To build a better, freer
  world, we must first behave in ways that reflect the decency and aspirations of
  the American people. This means ending the practices of shipping away prisoners
  in the dead of night to be tortured in far-off countries, of detaining thousands
  without charge or trial, of maintaining a network of secret prisons to jail people
  beyond the reach of the law.
- We need to invest in building capable, democratic states that
  can establish healthy and educated communities, develop markets, and generate wealth.
  Such states would also have greater institutional capacities to fight terrorism,
  halt the spread of deadly weapons, and build health-care infrastructures to prevent,
  detect, and treat deadly diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, and avian flu.
- As president, I will double our annual
  investment in meeting these challenges to $50 billion by 2012 and ensure that those
  new resources are directed toward worthwhile goals.
- I will couple our support with an insistent call
  for reform, to combat the corruption that rots societies and governments from within.
  I will do so not in the spirit of a patron but in the spirit of a partner -- a partner
  mindful of his own imperfections.
- Confronted by Hitler, Roosevelt said that
  our power would be "directed toward ultimate good as well as against immediate evil.
  We Americans are not destroyers; we are builders." It is time for a president who
  can build consensus here at home for an equally ambitious course.

The War Over the Wonks

A list of the national security and foreign policy advisers to the leading presidential candidates from both parties.

www.washingtonpost.com/...the-war-over-the-wonks.html - Preview

John McCain Hillary Clinton Barack Obama foreign policy Middle East

Hillary Rodham Clinton's speech to the National Jewish Democratic Council

Full transcript.

www.pjvoice.com/...25305clinton.aspx - Preview

Hillary Clinton NJDC speech Middle East

We stand with Israel because it is a beacon of democracy in a neighborhood that is shadowed by radicalism, extremism, despotism, and terrorism.
And we have shared values. To go back to Brandeis' point, we are founded on a common bond, and our bond and our values are exemplified every day in our vigorous democracies.
15 more annotations...
- I well remember the long days and nights of negotiations and phone calls trying to figure out a way to create an environment in which Israel's security was guaranteed and the Palestinians were given the opportunity to take responsibility for themselves.
- Obviously today, we face an even more dangerous set of circumstances.
- We cannot, we should not, and we must not permit Iran to build or acquire nuclear weapons. That has to be our starting point. And in dealing with this threat, no option can be taken off the table
- If the administration had been smarter about engaging with Iran, Syria and others -- I'm not saying we would be further along or our situation or Israel's dangers would be lessened -- but I am saying that a process of direct engagement with these adversaries is important for several reasons.
- Our president says his current policy is, "I don't talk to bad people." I don't that's a very smart policy when it comes to managing the threats we face. I believe it has been a mistake and we have lost valuable time
- When it comes to Iran, we don't really even know who makes the decisions.
- I think it is the clerical leadership and the Supreme Leader who call the shots.
- We are failing at public diplomacy. We still haven't gotten it right. We still don't have a vigorous effort to convey American values, to draw the contrasts.
- And finally, if we do have to take offensive military action against Iran, it would be far better if the rest of the world saw it as a position of last resort, not first resort, because the effects and consequences will be globally felt.
- We also need to be much more publicly vigorous in insisting that Hezbollah and Hamas immediately and unconditionally release the three kidnapped soldiers that they continue to hold captive.
- -is not that the United States should withdraw from the world or shrink our role in standing up for freedom and democracy. If we do so--if we turn our back on the dangers that we face today--that will not only hurt us in the long run but it will hurt Israel as well.
- I think it's a great idea. I think it's being called "disinvest in terrorism," I think that's the name of the campaign, and I think it's something we really have to look at.
- Iran you have to look at all of those: tough sanctions, working with our allies around the world to help enforce those sanctions which is, as you know, difficult, but the United Nations Security Council at least has made a step in that direction, and then trying to get Iran engaged in these regional conferences about Iraq.
- I applaud the Secretary of State for having said repeatedly she hopes Iran will show up at this regional stability and security conference, and then engaging with Iran, trying to, in effect, gauge who's really calling the shots and what we can do to try to pressure them.
- I think we should generally extend it to all those who basically use propaganda and disinformation to pollute the minds of young children and turn them into terrorists, into suicide bombers, everything we know happens.

Barack Obama's Speech to National Jewish Democratic Council

Full transcript w/ Q&A

www.pjvoice.com/...25304obama.aspx - Preview

Barack Obama NJDC speech Middle East

we are in one of those rare moments where the American people are ready to turn the page and write a new chapter in American history and American leadership.
An America that leads will rebuild the greatest military on Earth and show the world that we will use that military wisely.
20 more annotations...
- We will lead by marshalling a global effort to secure, destroy and stop the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
- We will lead by rebuilding and reforming our damaged alliances to meet the threats of this new century.
- And
  we will lead by investing in the weak and failing states that are the most fertile breeding ground for terror. Because ensuring that those who live in fear and want today can live with dignity and opportunity tomorrow is one of the best ways for us to prevent chaos and anarchy and terrorism at its source.
- But before any of this can happen, one of the most important ways that America must lead is by bringing a responsible end to this war in Iraq.
- I argued that there can be no military solution to what has become a civil war between Sunni and Shiite factions.
- We know that among the other consequences of this conflict, Iraq has strengthened Iran, which only undermines the security of Israel at a time when its prospects for peace seem uncertai
- Without taking the military option off the table, we will use sustained diplomacy to build a true international coalition that can pressure Iran to give up its nuclear ambitions once and for all.
- No, I do not think an Obama administration or any U.S. administration should accept the reality of a nuclear weapon in Iran. Not only is Iran the major state sponsor of terrorism, but the possibility of a ramped up nuclear arms race in the Middle East has horrendous consequences for the region, for the world and for U.S. security interests.
- do not think we take any options off the table, including military, but I do think that our first line of offense has to be ramped up diplomacy and this administration subcontracted that diplomacy to the Europeans and others
- And at this stage,
  we are seeing some recognition that
  we have got to tighten the economic sanctions towards Iran, get Russia, China, India and others who have more economic influence on Iran to join us in this process.
- I also think, though, that we should talk to Iran directly. I think the notion that not talking to countries, not talking to our enemies is punishment defies logic
- we will be much stronger in our capacity to deal with Iran if we
  have got a consistent and overarching policy in terms of how to deal with nuclear proliferation.
- And its very important for us I think to set up an international fuel bank that says if you want nuclear power, you can have it, but we will have an international body, not the United States, and this is why we have to do it in conjunction with Russia, we will have an international body that will enrich for you, but ensures that we are not increasing the proliferation of nuclear material.
- ssue Number One: I believe that the next President is still going to have to deal with Iraq.
- with a conversation with the world going before the United Nations and saying -- well I was going to say there
  is a new sheriff in town, but that is probably not the analogy I will use -- that we are open to doing business again.
- My support within the Jewish community probably has been much more significant than any support that
  I have received from the Muslim-American community, although
  I welcome and actively seek support in the Muslim-American community as well.
- I have walked the walk when it comes to Israel’s security. I think it is fundamental. I think it is something that is in the interests of the United States because of our special relationship, because Israel has not only established a democracy in the region but has been a stalwart ally of ours.
- What I have said and I will continue to say is it is in the interests of Israel to establish peace in the Middle East and it cannot be done at the price of compromising Israel’s security, and the United States government and an Obama Presidency cannot ask Israel to take risks with respect to its security.
- You know, one of the things that I am often frustrated about is this false notion that there is realism in foreign policy and idealism in foreign policy. The truth is we have to be very hardheaded and clear-eyed in terms of the dangers that exist throughout the Middle East and those that seek to perpetrate terror against the United States as well as Israel.
  
  But we also have to recognize that the status quo is not inevitable, that we can aspire to something greater and if we can find partners on the other side that are committed to recognizing Israel and committed to renouncing violence, that we have the need to reach out to them and we should want to have that difficult, tough discussion – but nevertheless have that discussion – about how
  we are going to arrive at what I think everybody wants, which is two states living side by side in peace and security.
- I understand their common humanity. That is a strength. It allows me also to say things to them that other Presidents might not be able to say and
  that is part of, I think,
  what is promising about this Presidency.

Obama's AIPAC speech

Prepared text of Barack Obama's speech for the AIPAC foreign policy forum. May 2, 2007

blogs.suntimes.com/...s_aipac_speech_text_as_pr.html - Preview

AIPAC Obama Barack Israel Palestine Iraq Middle East

I could truly see how close everything is and why peace

through security is the only way for Israel.
And we pray for all of the service members who have been

kidnapped: Gilad Shalit, Eldad Regev, and Ehud Goldwasser, and I met with

his family this week. I offered to help in any way I can.
27 more annotations...
- Israel had unilaterally
  
  withdrawn from Lebanon only to have Iran supply Hezbollah with thousands
  
  of rockets.
- That effort begins with a clear and strong commitment to the security of
  
  Israel: our strongest ally in the region and its only established
  
  democracy. That will always be my starting point.
- My plan also allows for a limited number of U.S. troops to remain and
  
  prevent Iraq from becoming a haven for international terrorism and reduce
  
  the risk of all-out chaos. In addition, we will redeploy our troops to
  
  other locations in the region, reassuring our allies that we will stay
  
  engaged in the Middle East.
- And my plan includes a robust regional
  
  diplomatic strategy that includes talking to Syria and Iran – something
  
  this Administration has finally embraced.
- But a
  
  consequence of the Administration’s failed strategy in Iraq has been to
  
  strengthen Iran’s strategic position; reduce U.S. credibility and
  
  influence in the region; and place Israel and other nations friendly to
  
  the United States in greater peril.
- As the U.S. redeploys from Iraq, we can recapture lost influence in the
  
  Middle East. We can refocus our efforts to critical, yet neglected
  
  priorities, such as combating international terrorism and winning the war
  
  in Afghanistan.
- And we can, then, more effectively deal with one of the
  
  greatest threats to the United States, Israel and world peace: Iran.
- And while we
  
  should take no option, including military action, off the table, sustained
  
  and aggressive diplomacy combined with tough sanctions should be our
  
  primary means to prevent Iran from building nuclear weapons.
- Iranian nuclear weapons would destabilize the region and could set off a
  
  new arms race.
- Other nations would feel great pressure
  
  to accommodate Iranian demands. Terrorist groups with Iran’s backing
  
  would feel emboldened to act even more brazenly under an Iranian nuclear
  
  umbrella. And as the A.Q. Kahn network in Pakistan demonstrated, Iran
  
  could spread this technology around the world.
- This includes direct engagement with Iran similar to the meetings we
  
  conducted with the Soviets at the height of the Cold War, laying out in
  
  clear terms our principles and interests.
- stronger sanctions. It would mean more
  
  determined U.S diplomacy at the United Nations.
- It would mean harnessing
  
  the collective power of our friends in Europe who are Iran’s major
  
  trading partners
- It would mean a cooperative strategy with Gulf States
  
  who supply Iran with much of the energy resources it needs.
- It would mean
  
  unifying those states to recognize the threat of Iran and increase pressure
  
  on Iran to suspend uranium enrichment.
- It would mean full implementation
  
  of U.S. sanctions laws.
- And over the long term, it would mean a focused
  
  approach from us to finally end the tyranny of oil, and develop our own
  
  alternative sources of energy to drive the price of oil down.
- We must also persuade other nations such as Saudi Arabia to recognize
  
  common interests with Israel in dealing with Iran
- We should stress to the
  
  Egyptians that they help the Iranians and do themselves no favors by
  
  failing to adequately prevent the smuggling of weapons and cash by Iran
  
  into Gaza.
- The United States’ leverage is strengthened when we have many nations
  
  with us.
- At the same time, we must preserve our total commitment to
  
  our unique defense relationship with Israel by fully funding military
  
  assistance and continuing work on the Arrow and related missile defense
  
  programs
- when Israel is attacked, we must stand up for Israel’s legitimate right
  
  to defend itself.
- press for enforcement of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1701
- But the Israelis must trust that they have a true Palestinian
  
  partner for peace. That is why we must strengthen the hands of
  
  Palestinian moderates who seek peace and that is why we must maintain the
  
  isolation of Hamas and other extremists who are committed to Israel’s
  
  destruction.
- The U.S. and our partners have put before Hamas three very simple
  
  conditions to end this isolation: recognize Israel’s right to exist;
  
  renounce the use of violence; and abide by past agreements between Israel
  
  and the Palestinian Authority.
- The reports of this agreement suggest
  
  that Hamas, Fatah, and independent ministers would sit in a government
  
  together, under a Hamas Prime Minister, without any recognition of Israel,
  
  without a renunciation of violence, and with only an ambiguous promise to
  
  “respect” previous agreements.
- Many Israelis I talked to during my visit last year told me
  
  that they were prepared to make sacrifices to give their children a chance
  
  to know peace.

Political Radar: Obama, Contrary to Carter, Draws the Line at Meeting with Hamas

Obama disagrees with Carter about meeting with Hamas

blogs.abcnews.com/...obama-contrary.html - Preview

Hamas Barack Obama Jimmy Carter diplomacy Middle East

But Obama draws the line at meeting with Hamas.
Senator Obama does not agree with President Carter's decision to go forward with this meeting because he does not support negotiations with Hamas until they renounce terrorism, recognize Israel's right to exist, and abide by past agreements. As President, Obama will negotiate directly with the head of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas."
2 more annotations...
- Obama said no, “It does not include Hamas. They are not heads of state and they don't recognize Israel. You can't negotiate with somebody who doesn't recognize the right of the country to exist. So I understand why Israel doesn't meet with Hamas.”
- "I think that it is entirely legitimate to make distinctions between those who are heads of state, heads of established countries and those who have advocated terrorism," Obama concluded, "I think that is a perfectly appropriate distinction to draw."

S. 1862 [109th]: United States-Israel Energy Cooperation Act (GovTrack.us)

Obama co-sponsored this (now dead) bill: A bill to establish a joint energy cooperation program within the Department of Energy to fund eligible ventures between United States and Israeli businesses and academic persons in the national interest, and for other purposes.

www.govtrack.us/...bill.xpd - Preview

Barack Obama energy Israel alternative Middle East

Iran Counter Proliferation Act 2007

McCain, Clinton, and Obama all support stronger sanctions on Iran

thomas.loc.gov/...z - Preview

Iran sanctions McCain Clinton Obama Middle East

S. 2370 [109th]: Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006

Obama, Clinton, and McCain cosponsor - A bill to promote the development of democratic institutions in areas under the administrative control of the Palestinian Authority, and for other purposes.

www.govtrack.us/...bill.xpd - Preview

Obama Clinton McCain Palestine Middle East

McCain: Americans Divided, Dissatisfied over U.S. Foreign Policy - Council on Foreign Relations

Interview with McCain - touches on Iraq and Iran and "isolationism" of Ron Paul

www.cfr.org/...mccain.html - Preview

John McCain Ron Paul interview Middle East

For quite a period of time, but I don’t think that will affect American support for the war
Americans are perfectly satisfied with that because we aren’t losing Americans in those places. If we can get the casualty rate down and the Iraqi military taking on more and more of the responsibilities, then Americans will be at least accepting of an American presence in Iraq for a long time
2 more annotations...
- We should continue to have communications with the Iranians.
- If there is establishment of negotiations that have a positive outcome, then obviously none of us would object to such a thing but I don’t want to give the president of Iran a forum to declare his rather radically extreme views particularly as regards to terrorism and the state of Israel is concerned.

K-State Landon Lecture by Sen. John McCain, March 15, 1999

McCain's critique of Clinton's foreign policy in 1999 - some good stuff on his vision for US role in the world

www.mediarelations.k-state.edu/...mccaintext.html - Preview

John McCain foreign policy Bill Clinton NATO Middle East

I strongly supported the expansion of NATO, as well as the two great
trade successes, NAFTA and the Uruguay Round. But to understand the
mistakes of Clinton statecraft, we need to discuss them plainly.
At
the core of the problem are two pronounced flaws: strategic incoherence
and self-doubt.
13 more annotations...
- lack of a conceptual framework
  -- in other words, what we want the world to be and how we can help
  make it so
- The
  second fault I find with the administration, it's self-doubt, is obviously
  related and a primary cause of its strategic incoherence
- It does not mean,
  as the President seems to believe, that we must become involved in
  problems whenever we are instructed to do so by other nations.
- And despite the
  isolationist views of a distinct minority, we have every intention
  of continuing to use our primacy in world affairs for humanity's benefit.
- The
  United Nations, although many of its founding principles were borrowed
  from our own, can never be an adequate substitute for American leadership.
- It has its uses, but to confer on that diverse organization, the leading
  responsibility for international stability, freedom and justice, will
  quickly render it incapable of any task whatsoever.
- For the United
  States, values and interests are inextricably linked, and traditionally,
  American leaders have designed policies to serve both ends.
- The
  policy of containment was based first and foremost on our faith in
  our core values -- individual freedom and rights, democracy, pluralism,
  free markets, and the rule of law. Core values that are, by the way,
  universal values -- absurd pretenses like an "Asian way" notwithstanding.
- Our
  close friendship with Israel is another example of the common convergence
  between our interests and values. Israel is a strong, democratic ally
  in a region where our political values are generally unwelcome and
  where our vital interests numerous.
- if you perceive a threat to our security and our values
  that warrants the use of force if necessary, don't forget the "if
  necessary" part. All means short of force should be employed first
- And never, never, accept
  foreign or "dual key" authority for the command of an American military
  operation,
- Our
  faith in coalitions as an end in themselves has also restrained us
  from always acting to defend our vital security interests in the Persian
  Gulf
- The
  world's only superpower should never give its word insincerely. We
  should never make idle threats. These failings ensure that the price
  we ultimately pay in blood and treasure to defend our security will
  be greater than if we had honored our commitments from the beginning.

John McCain: International Republican Institute

John McCain on board of directors - Established in April 1983, the International Republican Institute (IRI) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization committed to advancing freedom and democracy worldwide by developing political parties, civic institutions, open elections, good governance and the rule of law.

www.iri.org/faq.asp - Preview

John McCain IRI International Republican Institute democracy Middle East

IRI is funded by U.S. tax dollars.

S. 516 [109th]: ADVANCE Democracy Act of 2005 (GovTrack.us)

John McCain sponsored this (now dead) bill: A bill to advance and strengthen democracy globally through peaceful means and to assist foreign countries to implement democratic forms of government, to strengthen respect for individual freedom, religious freedom, and human rights in foreign countries through increased United States advocacy, to strengthen alliances of democratic countries, to increase funding for programs of nongovernmental organizations, individuals, and private groups that promote democracy, and for other purposes.

www.govtrack.us/...bill.xpd - Preview

John McCain democracy Middle East

Eli F's Library tagged Middle → View Popular

Peace Now

Arab media blind to Darfur

Slideshow: Inside Shatila

Who's Who In Lebanese Politics

Fighting Spreads In Lebanon

McCain's Speech on Foreign Policy, March 2008 - Council on Foreign Relations

Security and Opportunity for the Twenty-first Century - Hillary Rodham Clinton

Renewing American Leadership - Barack Obama

The War Over the Wonks

Hillary Rodham Clinton's speech to the National Jewish Democratic Council

Barack Obama's Speech to National Jewish Democratic Council

Obama's AIPAC speech

Political Radar: Obama, Contrary to Carter, Draws the Line at Meeting with Hamas

S. 1862 [109th]: United States-Israel Energy Cooperation Act (GovTrack.us)

Iran Counter Proliferation Act 2007

S. 2370 [109th]: Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006

McCain: Americans Divided, Dissatisfied over U.S. Foreign Policy - Council on Foreign Relations

K-State Landon Lecture by Sen. John McCain, March 15, 1999

John McCain: International Republican Institute

S. 516 [109th]: ADVANCE Democracy Act of 2005 (GovTrack.us)

Selected Tags

Related Tags

Sponsored Links

Top Contributors

Groups interested in Middle

Iroquois West CUSD 10

Gaston Digital on Diigo

digital photography