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Typically, bubbles have an asymmetric shape. The boom is long and drawn out: slow to start, it accelerates gradually until it flattens out during the twilight period. The bust is short and steep because it is reinforced by the forced liquidation of unsound positions. Disillusionment turns into panic, reaching its climax in a financial crisis.

Bubbles that conform to this pattern go through distinct stages: inception; a period of acceleration, interrupted and reinforced by successful tests; a twilight period; and the reversal point or climax, followed by acceleration on the downside culminating in a financial crisis. The length and strength of each stage is unpredictable, but there is an internal logic to the sequence of stages. So the sequence is predictable—but even that can be terminated by government intervention or some other form of negative feedback.

The simplest case is a real estate boom. The trend that precipitates it is that credit becomes cheaper and more easily available; the misconception that turns the trend into a bubble is that the value of the collateral is independent of the availability of credit. As a matter of fact, the relationship between the availability of credit and the value of the collateral is reflexive. When credit becomes cheaper and more easily available, activity picks up and real estate values rise. There are fewer defaults, credit performance improves, and lending standards are relaxed. So at the height of the boom, the amount of credit involved is at its maximum and a reversal precipitates forced liquidation, depressing real estate values.

Yet, the misconception continues to recur in various guises. The international banking crisis of 1982 revolved around sovereign debt where no collateral is involved. The creditworthiness of the sovereign borrowers was measured by various debt ratios, like debt to GDP or debt service to exports. These ratios were considered objective criteria, while in fact they were reflexive. When the recycling of petrodollars in the 1970s increased the flow of credit to countries like Brazil, their debt ratios improved, encouraging further inflows and starting a bubble.

So here it goes. I contend that the puncturing of the subprime bubble in 2007 set off the explosion of a super-bubble, much as an ordinary bomb sets off a nuclear explosion. The housing bubble in the United States was the most common kind, distinguished only by the widespread use of collateralized debt obligations and other synthetic instruments. Behind this ordinary bubble there was a much larger super-bubble growing over a longer period of time which was much more peculiar. The prevailing trend in this super-bubble was the ever increasing use of credit and leverage. The prevailing misconception was the belief that financial markets are self correcting and should be left to their own devices. President Reagan called it the magic of the marketplace, and I call it market fundamentalism. It became the dominant creed in the 1980s when Ronald Reagan was President of the United States and Margaret Thatcher was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.

What made the super-bubble so peculiar was the role that financial crises played in making it grow. Since the belief that markets could be safely left to their own devices was false, the super-bubble gave rise to a series of financial crises. The first and most serious one was the international banking crisis of 1982. This was followed by many other crises, the most notable being the portfolio insurance debacle in October 1987, the savings and loan crisis that unfolded in various episodes between 1989 and 1994, the emerging market crisis of 1997/1998, and the bursting of the Internet bubble in 2000. Each time a financial crisis occurred, the authorities intervened, merged away or otherwise took care of the failing financial institutions, and applied monetary and fiscal stimuli to protect the economy. These measures reinforced the prevailing trend of ever increasing credit and leverage, but as long as they worked, they also reinforced the prevailing misconception that markets can be safely left to their own devices. It was a misconception, because it was the intervention of the authorities that saved the system; nevertheless these crises served as successful tests of a false belief, and as such, they inflated the super-bubble even further.

The committee’s plans for damping down boom and bust cycles also surprised some commentators because it suggests that banks whose capital ratios get too close to regulatory minimums will not be allowed to pay dividends or discretionary bonuses.

On the flip side, banks will also be expected to build up their capital during lending booms, in preparation for extra losses.

“It gives supervisors a stronger tool to require banks to build up capital in good times and to contain distributions to absorb losses in a downturn,” said Stefan Walter, secretary general of the committee.

And here is another painful thought that Harvard historian Niall Ferguson often emphasizes: many of the leaders and legislators who are passing judgment on new rules for banks are the same leaders and legislators who oversaw the regulation in the run-up to the financial crisis.

I am often asked why economies get themselves into such a bind again and again throughout economic history. Unfortunately, as Reinhart and I document empirically for hundreds of financial crises, covering 66 countries and eight centuries, the answer is all too simple: arrogance and ignorance. Investors and policymakers are often altogether ignorant of the myriad historical experiences with financial crises. And the few that are dimly aware of what has happened in other times and other places all too often say, “Don’t worry, this time is different.”