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Eapen thomas's Library tagged creditcrisis   View Popular

04 Feb 09

Reducing Systemic Risk in a Dynamic Financial System - Federal Reserve Bank of New York

  • Why was the system so fragile?

    Part of the explanation was the size of the global financial boom that preceded the crisis. The larger the boom, the greater the potential risk of damage when it deflates.

    The underpinnings of this particular boom include a large increase in savings relative to real investment opportunities, a long period of low real interest rates around the world, the greater ease with which capital was able to flow across countries, and the perception of lower real and inflation risk produced by the greater apparent moderation in output growth and inflation over the preceding two decades.

    This combination of factors put upward pressure on asset prices and narrowed credit spreads and risk premia, and this in turn encouraged an increase in leverage across the financial system.

    This dynamic both fed and was fed by a wave of financial innovation. As the magnitude of financial resources seeking higher returns increased around the world, products were created to meet this demand. Financial innovation made it easier for this money to flow around the constraints of regulation and to take advantage of more favorable tax and accounting treatment.

  • The U.S. financial system created a lot of lower quality mortgage securities, many of which were packaged together with other securities into complex structured products and sold to institutions around the world. Many of these securities and products were held in leveraged money or capital market vehicles, and financed with substantial liquidity risk. And yet, by historical standards, the overall level of risk premia in financial markets remained extraordinarily low over this period.

    The structure of the financial system changed fundamentally during the boom, with dramatic growth in the share of assets outside the traditional banking system. This non-bank financial system grew to be very large, particularly in money and funding markets. In early 2007, asset-backed commercial paper conduits, in structured investment vehicles, in auction-rate preferred securities, tender option bonds and variable rate demand notes, had a combined asset size of roughly $2.2 trillion. Assets financed overnight in triparty repo grew to $2.5 trillion. Assets held in hedge funds grew to roughly $1.8 trillion. The combined balance sheets of the then five major investment banks totaled $4 trillion.

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Credit Markets Innovations and Their Implications - Federal Reserve Bank of New York

  • here are three aspects of the latest set of changes which I think deserve more reflection.



    The first is about the role of market liquidity and liquidity risk in how credit markets work. Credit market innovations have transformed the financial system from one in which most credit risk is in the form of loans, held to maturity on the balance sheets of banks, to a system in which most credit risk now takes an incredibly diverse array of different forms, much of it held by nonbank financial institutions that mark to market and can take on substantial leverage.



    U.S. financial institutions now hold only around 15 percent of total credit outstanding by the nonfarm nonfinancial sector: that is less than half the level of two decades ago. For the largest U.S. banks, credit exposures in over-the-counter derivatives is approaching the level of more traditional forms of credit exposure. Hedge funds, according to one recent survey, account for 58 percent of the volume in credit derivatives in the year to the first quarter of 2006.

  • In systems where credit is more market-based and more credit risk is in leveraged financial institutions outside the banking system, a sharp rise in asset-price volatility and the concomitant reduction in market liquidity, can potentially have greater negative effects on credit markets. If losses in these institutions force them to withdraw from credit markets, credit availability will decline, unless or until other institutions in a stronger financial position are willing to step in.
    The greater connection between asset-price volatility, market liquidity and the credit mechanism is the necessary consequence of a system in which credit risk is dispersed outside the banking system, including among leveraged funds. This does not make the system less stable, though, only different. For if risk is spread more broadly, shocks should be absorbed with less trauma. Moreover, the system as a whole may be less vulnerable to distortions introduced by the moral hazard associated with the access that banks have to the safety net.



    A second issue we need to consider stems from the complexity of the new credit instruments, the challenges they present in terms of valuation and risk measurement and their short history of experience in times of stress.



    Even the most sophisticated participants in the markets for these instruments find the risk management challenges associated with these instruments daunting. This raises the prospect of unanticipated losses. Default rates are harder to predict where there has been a substantial change in the financial attributes of borrowers. The prices of instruments may not respond as expected to a given change in losses or in the value of the assets underlying these instruments. Hedging strategies may prove to be less effective than expected. Similarly rated instruments can behave very differently in stress events.

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Why Wall Street Always Blows It - The Atlantic (December 2008)

Professional fund managers are paid to manage money for their clients. Most managers succeed or fail based not on how much money they make or lose but on how much they make or lose relative to the market and other fund managers.

If the market goes up 20 percent and your Fidelity fund goes up only 10 percent, for example, you probably won’t call Fidelity and say, “Thank you.” Instead, you’ll probably call and say, “What am I paying you people for, anyway?” (Or at least that’s what a lot of investors do.) And if this performance continues for a while, you might eventually fire Fidelity and hire a new fund manager.

On the other hand, if your Fidelity fund declines in value but the market drops even more, you’ll probably stick with the fund for a while (“Hey, at least I didn’t lose as much as all those suckers in index funds”). That is, until the market drops so much that you can’t take it anymore and you sell everything, which is what a lot of people did in October, when the Dow plunged below 9,000.

In the money-management business, therefore, investment risk is the risk that your bets will cost your clients money. Career or business risk, meanwhile, is the risk that your bets will cost you or your firm money or clients.

The tension between investment risk and business risk often leads fund managers to make decisions that, to outsiders, seem bizarre. From the fund managers’ perspective, however, they’re perfectly rational.

www.theatlantic.com/...3 - Preview

channel creditcrisis Banking regulation

31 Jan 09

Full text of "The causes of the panic of 1893"

  • A large amount of silver w^as thus t hrown upon the
    market by the united action of commercial nations in dis-
    placing their silver currency with gold. This surplus was
    also enlarged by t^^ ctf^arlily I'nprpRsjng output of th e^
    silver- mines. The resultant excess in the silver-supply was
    for a number of years absorbed by India and the East,
    the amount of silver taken by India alone during the period
    1852-75 being estimated at more than one billion dollars.
    After the close of the Civil War in the United States, how-
    ever, the exportation of cotton from India was greatly
    reduced, and at the same time the indebtedness of India
    in England, through loans negotiated by the Indian Gov-
    ernment, was largely increased. Consequently India was
    not in a position to absorb the large amount of silver that
    she had done in former years. The outlet for the surplus
    silver displaced by gold in the currency of European
    countries was, therefore, to a great extent cut off, and the
    logical outcome of this large curtailment of demand soon

    * The gold standard was adopted by Italy in 1883, thus causing
    a further curtailment of the demand for silver.



    18 THE CAUSES OF THE PANIC OF 1893

    made itself evident in a rapid decline in the value of silver.
    The tendency in this direction was first noticeable after the
    year 1872, and by 1878 the value of a fine ounce of silver
    had fallen to $1.15, or 17 cents below the quotation of six
    years earlier. Strange as it may seem, however, it was in
    the face of this situation, when the commercial nations of
    Europe were discarding their silver currency and when the
    value of silver in the international market had declined to
    a point where the bullion in an American silver dollar was
    worth only 89 cents, that this country entered upon its first
    experiment in silver legislation by authorizing a large
    annual increase in the coinage of silver dollars.*
11 Jan 09

WPJ Summer 2003 - Reengineering the Volatility Machine by Michael Pettis

  • One of the most common failings of development economists and policymakers has been their inability to distinguish between a country’s underlying economy and the condition of its balance sheet—that is, the ratio and structure of its assets (i.e., tax revenues, international reserves, the credibility of its central bank) and its liabilities (what it owes to domestic and foreign lenders, its guarantees to bank depositors, etc.). The IMF economists were embarrassingly wrong about South Korea’s susceptibility to crisis, as were, to be fair, most economists working at other financial institutions, but it was not the quality of their economic analysis that was at fault. They were probably correct in their evaluation of macroeconomic conditions, but they failed to understand how South Korea’s highly unstable debt structure would undermine its economic fundamentals.
  • t is true that debt structure is less important in explaining a country’s development than macroeconomic fundamentals. It cannot move the country forward no matter how well constructed it is. If it is badly put together or on the verge of collapsing, however, it can cause the economy to crash. Debt structure consists of the debt and other fixed obligations of the government, which include not just contractual obligations, such as interest payments on outstanding debt, but also implicit obligations. For example, few governments permit large banks to fail to repay local depositors, so when banks get into financial trouble, a portion of their unpaid obligations often becomes government debt. There are many forms a country’s debt structur
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