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Jimmy Breeze's Library tagged politics   View Popular

23 Nov 09

Daniel Finkelstein: Why do people disbelieve in global warming? | Daniel Finkelstein - Times Online

  • The hypothesis turned out to be correct. Some Conservatives answered, largely supporting the monetary control Bill and opposing the agricultural trade Bill. Some Labour supporters answered, revealing the opposite bias. But overall there was a weak but distinct relationship between less political knowledge and greater willingness to answer.
  • The second hypothesis was more startling. The authors believed that the more political knowledge you believe you have (as opposed to actually have), the more likely you were to answer. And this turned out to be strongly true. It was also true that if asked about your political knowledge before being asked the other questions, you were even more likely to respond on the fictitious bills.
31 Oct 09

The power of tweets | From the Guardian | The Guardian

  • Anyway, Pack's thought was this: since almost everyone who's written for this book is also on Twitter, many with quite a few more followers than me (Brooker, for example, has 86,000 people hanging on his every tweet), what if I asked them all to tweet about it, on the same day, just before it launches? So he did. And as a result, The Atheist's Guide "went from about 20,000th on Amazon's live bestseller list, to 14th. In a single day. We just sat there watching it move up the chart, hour after hour. And it hadn't even been published."
  • So Pack tweeted: "Vile piece of 'journalism' about Stephen Gately by some evil cow called Jan Moir". Ben Locker, a smart young copywriter with a very healthy 3,800-strong Twitter following, agreed: "Yes, that's a disgraceful article." Pack came back with "Can we get #janmoir trending?" (for the uninitiated, #before a word, known as a hashtag, is Twitter users' way of uniting their tweets around a particular topic; "trending" means it is on Twitter's list of the 10 most tweeted-about topics on the site).

    Then things started to move fast (but not, Pack would contend, in any way that could remotely be considered "orchestrated"). Pack's followers re-tweeted his and others' posts, as did their followers' followers. Within hours #janmoir was topping Twitter's trending topics. Fry weighed in; Brown did likewise; Brooker stepped in – and a Twitterstorm was born.

    It was every bit as effective as Pack's fully orchestrated bid to tweet his book up the Amazon rankings: by the end of the day, the Mail website had amended its headline, companies including Marks & Spencer had pulled their advertising from the offending webpage; and the Press Complaints Commission had received a record-breaking 1,000 complaints (it would later receive 22,000).

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Dirty elections: To the rigger the spoils | The Economist

  • Strikingly, the authors contend that “dirty elections are bad for economic growth by skewing politicians’ incentives.” This is because, they find, good economic performance makes a huge difference to an incumbent’s chance of re-election whether the vote is free or rigged, adding about three years’ to his or her tenure. Although economic success wins rewards in both systems, in clean ones, it adds 40% to a president’s time, whereas in dirty ones, the rewards of growth are swamped by those of rigging, which more than doubles the time in power. So rigging makes the economy less important to a president’s future—a rejoinder to the Chinese claim that in developing countries “managed democracy” is better for growth than an electoral free-for-all.
16 Sep 09

James Scott and Friedrich Hayek

  • Heaven knows that I am no Austrian--I am a liberal Keynesian and a social democrat--but within economics even liberal Keynesian social democrats acknowledge that the Austrians won victory in their intellectual debate with the central planners long ago.
  • But on a second level, it is an act of displacement. Friedrich Hayek, after all, won the Nobel Prize in Economic Science for making many of Scott's key arguments: that the bureaucratic planner with a map does not know best, and can not move humans and their lives around the territory as if on a chessboard to create utopia; that the local, practical knowledge possessed by the person-on-the-spot is important; that the locus of decision-making must remain with those who have the craft to understand the situation; that any system that functions at all must create and maintain a space for those on the spot to use their local, practical knowledge (even if the hierarchs of the system pretend not to notice this flexibility). These key arguments are well known: they are the core of the Austrian economists' critique of central planning.
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