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OpenDemocracy 13.11.2009 (UK)
An exasperated Moscow poet, Tatiana Shcherbina, describes the obsession with Stalin in Putin's Russia. Russia is isolating itself, she writes: "There's no oxygen today, no sense of the future, just a disconnected nation which feels it has been deceived, humiliated, is helpless and futile. This is why it can only rummage around in the past - a past which was also deprived of oxygen… The humane way doesn't work, so let it be bloody and cruel, but we have to get out of our current psychological quagmire somehow. And then, of course, there's the conspiracy theory: we are encircled by enemies, no one loves us and we'll show 'em."
Principles of Westphalia
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Article I begins: "A Christian general and permanent peace, and true and honest friendship, must rule between the Holy Imperial Majesty and the Holy All-Christian Majesty, as well as between all and every ally and follower of the mentioned Imperial Majesty, the House of Austria ... and successors.... And this Peace must be so honest and seriously guarded and nourished that each part furthers the advantage, honor, and benefit of the other.... A faithful neighborliness should be renewed and flourish for peace and friendship, and flourish again."
Peace among sovereign nations requires, in other words, according to this principle, that each nation develops itself fully, and regards it as its self-interest to develop the others fully, and vice versa—a real "family of nations."
Article II says: "On both sides, all should be forever forgotten and forgiven—what has from the beginning of the unrest, no matter how or where, from one side or the other, happened in terms of hostility—so that neither because of that, nor for any other reason or pretext, should anyone commit, or allow to happen, any hostility, unfriendliness, difficulty, or obstacle in respect to persons, their status, goods, or security itself, or through others, secretly or openly, directly or indirectly, under the pretense of the authority of the law, or by way of violence within the Kingdom, or anywhere outside of it, and any earlier contradictory treaties should not stand against this.
The Economic Policy that Made the Peace of Westphalia
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The 1648 Westphalia Peace only succeeded because of an economic policy of protection and directed public credit—dirigism—aimed to create sovereign nation-states, and designed by France's Cardinal Jules Mazarin and his great protégé Jean-Baptiste Colbert. Colbert's dirigist policy of fair trade was the most effective weapon against the liberal free trade policy of central banking maritime powers of the British and Dutch oligarchies.
Similarly, it is only with a return to the Peace of Westphalia's principle of "forgiving the sins of the past," and of mutually beneficial economic development (see Treaty principles, the "benefit of the other''), that the current Israeli-Palestinian conflict could be solved on the basis of two mutually-recognized sovereign states.
In the Peace of Westphalia, Mazarin's and Colbert's common-good principle of the "Advantage of the other" triumphed over the imperial designs of both France's Louis XIV himself, and the Venetian-controlled Hapsburg Empire. In the 18th Century, the same principle brought the posthumous victory of Gottfrield Leibniz over John Locke in shaping the American republic's founding documents, the victory of "the pursuit of happiness" and the principle of the general welfare, over Locke's "life, liberty, and property."
The Anti-Anti-Americans | The New Republic
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In ancient times, as Glucksmann observes, the Jews were hated merely
in the way that all peoples are sometimes hated. But for the last
two millennia, Jews have been hated also in a special way, which
is, once again, always in the name of an all-but-realized human
perfection. In the heyday of Christian Europe, the Jews were hated
because they alone seemed to ruin the dream of a universal truth:
they alone refused to go along with the vision of an ideal society
in which everyone would agree on the veracity of the Good News.
People hated the Jews out of love for the Gospels--hated the Jews
who, by refusing to accept the Good News, embodied the weaknesses
and frailties of the human condition.The era of modern European states got started with the Treaty of
Westphalia in 1648, which proposed a newly secular vision of the
perfect society--a society in which every state was going to live
in tranquility behind its defined borders and respect the borders
of every other state. But the Jews scattered themselves (and were
scattered) all over Europe, regardless of borders--in plain
demonstration, once again, that the vision of universal perfection
stood at odds with the human reality. And hatred poured down once
again upon the living examples of human imperfection. Today we have
moved into a new era, post-Westphalian, in which, now that France
and Germany have made their peace, people look on national states
no longer as the source of perfection but as the source of evil.
Today the fashion is to imagine that a perfect society can only be
a global community, superseding the traditional states--an
international community in which no one is going to be the enemy of
anyone else.
Climate change in 2009: the defining issue | openDemocracy
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History
is punctuated by the names of the places where order was restored after chaos
prevailed: Westphalia, Versailles, San Francisco. It is not
an exaggeration to say that the implications of what happens - or does not - in
Copenhagen in December
will do more to shape human destiny for longer than any of them.
Beyond the barbarians at the gate: Timothy Garton Ash interviewed | openDemocracy
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Timothy Garton Ash: Because there are very good reasons why international order was built since the Treaty of Westphalia on the principal of non-intervention. Otherwise, if I feel I’m justified in interfering in your internal affairs, there’s no reason why you shouldn’t feel you’re justified in intervening in mine. And international order – that’s to say, peace – is a very important public good.
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Timothy Garton Ash: Because there are very good reasons why international order was built since the Treaty of Westphalia on the principal of non-intervention. Otherwise, if I feel I’m justified in interfering in your internal affairs, there’s no reason why you shouldn’t feel you’re justified in intervening in mine. And international order – that’s to say, peace – is a very important public good.
2. Globalisation today: a human experience | openDemocracy
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Nation and identity in the new century
Which
means that nationality politics are needed, to mobilise resistance against such
outrages, and to formulate on-the-spot alternatives. Far from disappearing,
nationalism is changing its skin. The buzz-saws of marketolatry rasp out their
habitual comment here: where ‘protectionism’ is given an inch, can ethnic
cleansing be far behind? Thus phony history is added to the dismal apologetics
of the moment. The modern nation state has behind it a phased development,
still under way – from the kingdoms that emerged after the Treaty of Westphalia
in the 17th century up to the iron-clad Leviathans that came after the US Civil
War and the Franco–Prussian War in the late 19th century. It will evolve
differently again under the conditions of globalisation, inwardly conditioned
by the latter’s vast climate shift.
From 'velvet revolution' to 'velvet jihad'? | openDemocracy
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The bloody experience of modern revolutions yielded the democratisation of nation-states. After religious, inter-state and world wars, the United Nations was created to limit future aggressive wars; war was no longer to serve as the preferred way to change regimes. In this sense, the doctrine of pre-emptive war thus represents a retreat to the era before the 1648 Peace of Westphalia that ended the thirty years’ war. For if America does not inscribe a divine right to rule in its constitution, it can today claim to have “a man of God” in the White House, supported by a Christian fundamentalist voting bloc that delivered not a democratic revolution, but a conservative one.
3. Apocalypse is in the air | openDemocracy
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The
origins of what we now call the political domain must have long preceded
antiquity. In one sense, the ‘frontiers’ of the contemporary world may date
back to the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia; in another, they must be rooted in, or
attendant upon, the familial or kinship transmission processes which, for
example, Emmanuel
Todd attempts to map in La diversité du monde (1999). Political
nationalism of the 18th–20th century sort has been one phase of an altering
process. And it is these nation-state borders that have taken the brunt of late
20th-century globalisation, above all in economic terms.
The responsibility to protect: holding the line | openDemocracy
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It had taken a long time to reach consensus on this issue. For the centuries before the modern state system emerged, mass atrocities were a matter of indifference to all but their victims. For the centuries after the Peace of Westphalia (1648), that indifference was institutionalised: what happened within the boundaries of sovereign states was no other state's business. Even after the holocaust - and the universal declaration of human rights and the genocide convention that followed it - international concern for individual human rights was still balanced by the UN charter's stricture against intervention "in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state".
'The Tyrannicide Brief': an extract | openDemocracy
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The trial of Charles I was a momentous event, and not only for Britain. After thirty years of continental war, the kingdoms of Europe had, by the Treaty of Westphalia in October 1648, given some guarantee of the rights of religious and ethnic minorities within their domains, but as sovereign states that would police themselves. It was fundamental to this treaty, the foundation of international law, that a prince could not be overthrown for violating the liberties of his own subjects. But the most important thing about the Treaty of Westphalia was that England was not party to it. Just a few months later, John Cooke devised a way of ending the impunity it guaranteed to sovereigns, crafting out of the common law and the law of nations and the Bible a theory which could bring hereditary dictatorship to an end. This message, filtered through the philosophy of Locke and Montesquieu, provided inspiration for the French Revolution and the War of American Independence: we can see it now as the precursor of a much more recent development which began at Nuremberg, namely the use of criminal law to punish heads of state and political and military leaders for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
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