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Novica Nakov's List: Југославија

  • Nov 24, 09


    D. J.: Na primjer, ali i u sarajevskoj kulturi koja je na tome naročito insistirala, prisjetimo se recimo Bregovićevih pokušaja da namjerno spoji Hej Slaveni s Lijepom našom i srpskim nacionalnim pjesmama, govorimo o njegovoj Pljuni i zapjevaj moja Jugoslavijo. Govorimo li o tom stvaranju naročite jugoslavenske kulture kroz niz međusobnih utjecaja, moramo znati da oni nemaju podršku političke elite, nego obratno - na njih se gleda s velikom sumnjičavošću. Tako dolazi do paradoksalne situacije da politička elita ne podržava stvaranje jugoslavenske kulture, ali ona bez obzira na to nastaje. I to ne samo da nastaje jugoslavenska kultura, nego, uzmete li rezultate popisa stanovništva, uvjerit ćete se da se 1981. godine utrostručuje broj ljudi koji se deklariraju kao Jugoslaveni. To je potpuno paradoksalno i očiti je izraz otpora sistemu i njegovu djelovanju. No Wachtel upozorava da je sve to ipak bilo nedovoljno, i da je takav pothvat nemoguć mimo državnog aparata. Osim toga, kad gledamo ono što se događa nakon pada Jugoslavije mi vidimo da države vrlo aktivno djeluju na unificiranju i stvaranju konstitutivnih elemenata.

    www.kulturpunkt.hr/...340 yugoslavia culture politicsmusic

  • Nov 07, 09

    A democratic Yugoslavia would make all ethnic groups (including the Serbs) what they really were - a minority. The fear of becoming a minority (which was created by nationalist members of the counter-elite) was the main reason why a large segment of the population supported separation.\n\n At the same time, those segments of the former "constitutive nations" and "nationalities" which in new circumstances became minorities (especially Serbs, but also Croats in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as Albanians in Serbia) refused to accept the new concept for the same reason : they feared they would become minorities at territories in which they once had been recognised as constitutive. The fears of being existentially endangered if a minority, led all these groups (Slovenes, Croats, Bosnian and Croatian Serbs, Serbian Albanians, Bosnian Croats) towards separatism, and in most cases to authoritarian and military styles of governing in their new political entities. I argue that the fear of becoming a minority was, and remains, a major motivator of conflict in the former Yugoslavia. Subsequently, that conflict is likely to continue for as long as the main Yugoslav ethnic groups fear for their survival.

    balkanologie.revues.org/index674.html yugoslavia nationalism ethnicity majority minority

    • This new discourse, however, contained in itself notions of both “majority” and “minority”. Representative democracy is rule by a majority, which is identified in free and fair elections. Minorities are recognised and protected: but – they could hardly count on being in practice in everything equal with the majority. Regardless of various instruments of minority protection, it is ultimately the majority that takes decisions. Both the doctrine of “self-managing agreement and harmonisation” and the practise of self-management, were now to be replaced by majority voting in which every citizen (not republics or ethnic groups) was treated as equal to every other[15]. Instead of ideological constructions of anti-state “socio-political communities” (as “a new form of social organisation” which was to replace the state), a proper (Yugoslav) state was to be created. Almost inevitably, representative democracy would create a Yugoslav demos instead of six “constitutive nations” and “nationalities”. Equally likely, the existence of a Yugoslav “civic nation” would become the main substance of a democratic Yugoslavia’s new identity, which would undermine already weak linguistic, religious, cultural and political boundaries between the existing “constitutive nations”. Ultimately, a Yugoslav nation would emerge as a product of representative democracy. In normal circumstances, political parties and votes, as well as post-electoral coalitions would cut across ethnic lines. - Novica Nakov on 2009-11-08

  • Nov 21, 09

    Challenges to Democracy in Multiethnic States\n\nby Arben Xhaferi\n\nEdited by Shirley Cloyes, Balkan Affairs Adviser, Albanian American Civic League

    aacl.com/challenges_to_democracy.htm yugoslavia ethnicity states nationalism macedonia kosovo albanians

  • Mar 04, 09

    Тито - уште за ју-спомениците (стр. 361)

    www.vreme.com/...view.php yugoslavia monuments communism

  • Jan 06, 09

    Како поранешната жена на еден другар, станала проблем за политичката кариера на друг другар. (стр. 224)

    www.time.com/...0,9171,817282,00.html article yugoslavia communism

    • Shortly, Comrade Djuric's words were drowned in angry shouts. "Throw him out!" Quickly, Djuric was thrown out, and Comrade Tito himself took command of the situation. There would be, he promised, a thorough investigation of the charges—but he could already predict that an investigation would prove Comrade Djuric to be a Cominform agent. Unsurprisingly enough, that is just how it came out. Before adjourning, the congress formally accused Comrade Djuric of deviationism and declared him "unworthy to hold party functions."
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